himself, there must be a considerable interval during which battles could not take place. He knew he should be told as he had always hitherto been on making such a proposition, that the interference of parliament on such a subject would cramp the powers of the executive. But when he saw that one ministry after another took no advantage of any favourable conjuncture offered them for the accomplishment of this object, and that the moment a victory was obtained, instead of considering it as instrumental in leading to peace, the end of all war, they seemed to be immediately filled with the most frantic and unreasonable hopes, he was convinced that no ministry would ever voluntarily enter upon negociation, and that the House were therefore now called upon to interfere, that an event might at last be brought about of so much importance to this country, and to the world. With these impressions, and considering, lastly, that in tenderness for the Spaniards, our allies, we should allow them some time to settle their form of government; he had no hesitation in saying that, without debasing the dignity of the country, we might take some steps to ascertain whether or no France was disposed to listen to pacific overtures. The hon. gentleman then moved the following Amendment: "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to thank his Royal Highness for his Royal Highness's most gracious Speech from the throne, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty. "To assure his Royal Highness of the inviolable attachment of his Majesty's faithful Commons to the persons of his Majesty, and of his Royal Highness; to his Majesty's government, and to the principles which seated his Majesty's royal fainily upon the throne of these kingdoms. "To convey to his Royal Highness the expression of our sincere condolence, on the continuance of the affliction with which it has pleased God to visit his Majesty; whereby the recovery of his Majesty's mental powers appears to have been rendered hopeless, and the sacred life of his Majesty, from the frequent repetition and violence of the attacks, to have become alarmingly precarious. "To represent to his Royal Highness, that in such circumstances, the existence of this new parliament is, of necessity, likely to be of short duration; and that it, therefore, behoves his Majesty's faithful Commons, to seize the earliest opportunity of submitting to his Royal Highness their view of the general situation of the country, and of laying before his Royal Highness the manifold griefs of his Majesty's faithful subjects, praying that his Royal Highness will take such steps as to his wisdom shall seem best calculated for their relief; and, at the same time, to promise our most dutiful and cordial co-operation. "To express to his Royal Highness our hearty congratulations on the great successes obtained by his Majesty's arms, under the distinguished command of general the marquis of Wellington; and particularly on the glorious victory of Salamanca, prepared by the vigilancé, decision, and skill of that great commander; and achieved, through the favour of Providence, by the consummate valour of his Majesty's troops, under his command. "Nevertheless, to represent to his Royal Highness, our deep disappointment and concern, at finding that an event, which was followed by the evacuation of Madrid by the French, its occupation by the British commander in person, the withdrawing of the French garrisons from many of their military posts and fortified towns, the relief of various parts of Spain from the presence of the enemy, and the victorious advance of the British general into the heart of that country, has not been followed by such exertions on the part of its inhabitants, as might have been expected to spring from those feelings of abhorrence of French domination, and gratitude for British aid, by which his Ma-. jesty's faithful Commons have been informed, under the sacred authority of his Majesty's name, and they are still willing to hope, pervade the universal Spanish nation. "More especially, because, at the same period, the power of France has been distracted by warlike operations, proceeding on the most stupendous scale, in a remote quarter of Europe; and, for the second time since the horrible and violent aggres sion of the French emperor, he has been prevented from directing his undivided resources to the subjugation of Spain. "To assure his Royal Highness that we will with all diligence, as in duty bound, proceed to enquire, with the assistance of such information as we have no doubt will be furnished by order of his Royal Highness, into the causes of the reverses which have so soon and so unexpectedly led to the retreat of the marquis of Wel lington before the French force, the unresisted re-occupation of Madrid by the enemy, and their unobstructed progress in pursuit of the allied army; for the purpose of ascertaining whether these disappointments have arisen from weakness of counsel at home, and want of such support as it is in the power of the country to afford to the contest in which we are engaged; or are attributable to causes irremediable and inherent in Spain herself, and that we will lay before his Royal Highness the result of our inquiry, with such advice thereupon as to us shall seem expedient. "To express our thanks to his Royal Highness for the intimation his Royal Highness has been graciously pleased to give, that he will cause to be laid before the House of Commons, copies of the Treaties lately entered into with the sovereigns of Sweden and Russia, and of the additional Treaty entered into with his Sicilian majesty, and our hope that the stipulations contained in those Treaties, and the obligations incurred thereby, may prove advantageous to the general interests of this empire and of Europe. "To convey to his Royal Highness our heartfelt sorrow, that the measures advised by his Majesty's ministers, towards the conclusion of the last session of parliament, were not taken sufficiently in time to prevent a declaration of hostilities on the part of the United States of America, and that no course has been subsequently found practicable for averting the heavy calamity of war with that power, consistently with the honour and dignity of his Majesty's crown and the welfare of the state. "To pray his Royal Highness will be graciously pleased to cause all the correspondence which has passed between the ministers of the crown, and the persons authorized, on the part of the American government, to be laid before this House, in order that we may be enabled to form a just and well-grounded opinion on the conduct of his Majesty's ministers, in the progress and termination of a negociation, which has ended in a manner so deeply to be deplored. "To assure his Royal Highness that we shall apply ourselves with anxious attention to the important interests of Ireland; and that we will redeem the pledge given by the last House of Commons, at the conclusion of its last session, and will, early in the present session, take into our serious consideration the state of the laws affecting the Roman Catholics in Great Britain and Ireland; with a view to such final and conciliatory adjustment as may be condu cive to the peace and strength of the United Kingdom, to the stability of the Pro. testant establishment, and to the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects. "To assure his Royal Highness that we will resume the consideration of the causes of the increasing depreciation of the paper currency of the kingdom, and the state of the law respecting the metallic currency, which instead of answering its intended purpose, appears to have created a still greater scarcity of the precious metals, and recommend such measures as shall appear to us the best adapted to retrieve the credit of the country, and to remedy the numerous evils to our national prosperity with which the extension of this system is fraught. "That we will apply ourselves with all diligence and sincerity, to the great work of retrenchment and reform, so loudly demanded by a suffering people, and so essentially necessary to our preservation as a great and independent power. "To assure his Royal Highness that we are determined to support the honour of his Majesty's crown against all aggres sions, and by every needful sacrifice; but that when we are called upon to impose fresh burthens upon the people of these kingdoms sinking under an accumulation of taxes, and oppressed by circumstances of unusual privation and distress, we do implore his Royal Highness, at the conclusion of the nineteenth year of this most extensive war, which has for so long a time, almost uninterruptedly, desolated every part of Europe, to take such measures as to his Royal Highness's wisdom shall appear best, to ascertain whether it be not possible to procure the restoration of the blessings of peace. To state to his Royal Highness that it appears to this House that, at a moment when the glory of the British arms transcends the glory of all former periods, in the situation of the contest between Russia and France, there can be nothing derogatory to the honour of his Majesty's crown in a proposition made directly to all the belligerents on the part of his Majesty, for a general pacification of Europe." Mr. Bathurst spoke in favour of the original Address. As a right hon. gentleman (Mr, Canning) had rightly stated, the merit of this Address consisted in its give ing such general assurance of support, as could be denied only in extreme cases, and avoided entering into a detailed opinion on subjects which would be more properly discussed on future occasions. With respect to the Amendment moved by the hon. gentleman, he could not think that that hon.gentleman seriously expected the House to adopt it, but merely intended to have his opinions recorded and circulated on the several subjects to which he had alluded. It was not to be supposed that the House could now dispose of those questions which related to such a variety of matter, on which they had not yet received the necessary information. He was at a loss to know on what principle the hon. gentleman thought this the proper time to apply for peace. He had spoken, it was true, of Buonaparté as having been defeated in his object with respect to Russia, and he had stated, that the time most proper for endeavouring to obtain peace, was, when affairs were in a prosperous condition, while at the same time the tendency of his speech was to prove that the condition of lord Wellington was not prosperous. The hon. gentleman had, nevertheless, confirmed the Speech from the throne in its most material parts, for, notwithstanding his opinion as to details, he admitted that the enterprize of the enemy against Russia had been hastily conceived and badly executed. Were these the grounds on which we were to sue for peace? Did he suppose that this House would go to the foot of the throne, and recommend negociations for peace without knowing more of the real state of the belligerents? One of the arguments used by the hon. gentleman appeared to him very novel indeed, namely, that we were to propose peace to the enemy in order to give Spain time to choose a government for herself. To him it appeared, however, that the Spaniards must first repel the aggressor, and drive the enemy out of the country, and having done this, they might then choose their own government. The hon. gentleman had complained of omissions in the Speech, and particularly with respect to the war with America. The information given by his noble friend on this subject was quite satisfactory, and stated that a proposition for peace had been made to America, to which no answer had yet been received. It would certainly be improper, and had never yet been looked for, on the first day of the meeting of parliament, to state all the negociations that had been carried on. His noble friend had expressed the pacific disposition of this country, by declaring that it had borne more from America than it would have borne from any other country. He thought this feeling, which he had no doubt was general, would have prevented any far. ther discussion on this subject. At any rate, this certainly was not the time to lay be. fore the House any negociations that might have taken place, and it would be time enough afterwards to enter into discussions of this sort, when the documents should come in a regular way before them. The hon. gentleman, by the public prints, had given them before now an opportunity of knowing his sentiments on these subjects; and the present Amendment he had proposed was merely a repetition of them. He appeared anxious that this parliament should do something, because he thought it would be of short duration, owing to the circumstance of the King's health, and had hinted at some imaginary measure which he fancied to be or have been in contemplation unconstitutionally to lengthen the limits and enlarge the powers of parliament, but ministers had given no ground for such a supposition. This wa a conjuration of the hon. gentleman's own, and having formerly made it the ground of a long advertisement, he had now made it the subject of his amended Address. Thus the hon. gentleman was either premature or unfounded in bringing forward his several points. He would have time afterwards to propose any mo tion on these subjects; but it was not to be supposed that on an Address, which ancient usage had made it customary to be an echo of the Speech from the throne, they were to discuss the whole state of the country, and anticipate the whole business of the session. And as if they had not enough on their hands, the hon. gen tleman proposed also the present state of our currency as one of the subjects of address. This subject had been before the last par liament, and it must be recollected, that nobody had then proposed a remedy, whatever might be the extent of the evil. This might be again a subject of future inquiry, but why incorporate it into the Address, if no remedy was yet pretended to be found. Then the hon. gentleman came forward with a proposition for peace, for peace on any terms. He had brought in the war in Russia as an argument for rican coast, that there were of those of the enemy. Some allusions had also been made to our military warfare in that quarter; but no man would say, that in the present circumstances, we should divert our military means from Spain to increase our force in Canada. At present, such a measure appeared unnecessary. As to Ireland, he should merely remark, that as the Prince Regent could only notice what had been done in parliament, mention of that subject would have been unnecessary, and on the subject of peace in general, all must know, that a proposition to that effect made to the enemy, if not attended with good, must lead to incalculable mischief. peace, but this was the best thing that could have happened, to shew that there was still a power in Europe that not only dared to resist the conqueror, but to turn back his tide of success. This, how ever, was not a war in which this country was concerned as a principal. There was nobody here responsible for it, or answerable for its results. The hon. gentleman therefore had better have gone into the war in Spain, for there were persons in England responsible for that. The hon, gentleman had descanted at some length on the burning of Moscow, and had represented it as pretended on our part, that the people had set fire to their own houses. Nobody, however, had ever stated, that the people had set fire to their own houses; Sir Gilbert Heathcote, who had seconded the general feeling of the Russian people the Amendment, now shortly stated his had only been adverted to as willing to reasons for supporting it. He thought submit to any sacrifice, and shewing their that the gallantry displayed by our troops love of their own government, and their in Spain was highly creditable; but he detestation of the enemy in all their towns deeply regretted that no negociations for and villages, by their continued and in- peace had been entered into. He was the creasing exertions. The hon. gentleman last man that would think of a dishonourhad denied the similarity of the Russian able peace: yet while we went on with retreat to that of Moreau; but if the warlike preparations, and opposed an unRussians had retreated on a settled plan daunted front to the dangers which surbefore a superior force, where was the dis- rounded us, a desire of peace should anisimilarity? With respect, too, to the cavil mate and direct all our actions, and alat that passage of what had fallen from ways be the leading principle of our conthe noble secretary (lord Castlereagh) on duct. The effects of the battle of Salathe subject of the war in Spain: his noble manca were to put lord Wellington in friend had only spoken of Torres Vedras possession of Madrid. But the Spanish by way of comparison, and not as what Cortes, then, instead of deliberating on was likely to happen. The hon. gentle- measures for the welfare of the nation, man had also misrepresented our con- were employed in re-establishing that denection with Sweden. Much advantage testable court, the Inquisition. The adhad been gained by that alliance, and vantages of continental alliances had often Russia had been thereby enabled to throw been questioned; but it remained for our a strong force into Riga, which not only days to see this country make itself the checked the progress of the enemy, but principal in a continental war and to find occupied a very considerable portion of the war continued for the purpose of sup his attention. With respect to the siege porting our revenues by the increase of our of Burgos, he could not see that govern- maritime commerce. To him measures ment was to blame. It was the sponta- were every thing, men nothing; although neous act of the general alone, and a very there were certainly persons beside him natural consequence of the result of the 'for whose abilities he entertained the very battle of Salamanca. With regard to highest respect. The present war, which America, it would not be fair to discuss had driven the middle ranks of society from that subject, nor could it be expected by the parlour to the garret, was now about to the House to have laid before them and attack the rich; but he thought a favourthe public the necessary information re-able opportunity for peace presented itspecting the negociation, till all hope self, of which he trusted due advantage should be lost of reconciliation, It was would be taken. enough to say, that the necessary means Mr. Ponsonby, thinking he had been alhad been taken to have a sufficient navalluded to by a right hon. gentleman on the force in that quarter, and that, at the pre- floor (Mr. Canning), when he spoke of an sent moment, there were four times the intended Amendment, assured that right number of British frigates on the Ame- hon. gentleman, and the House, that he had no knowledge whatever of such Amendment, until he heard of it in his place this evening; and that it had never been his intention to offer any proposition of that kind. The Address proposed by the noble lord, was, as usual, a mere echo of the Speech; but the Amendment proposed by his hon. friend was of a nature widely different, it embraced a variety of topics, unconnected with the Speech or Address, and among other things, requested the Prince Regent to make propositions of peace to the enemy. This was by far the most important part of the Amendment. But before he came to it, he wished to make a few observations on the other subjects to which the hon. gentlemen who had preceded him in the debate had adverted. As to America the noble lord opposite to him had said, " that he was sure the gentlemen of the other side could not blame ministers for not having at once exerted the whole power of England against America, as, during the whole of the last session, they had not ceased to recommend conciliatory measures towards that country." If the noble lord meant to include him in those insinuations, he did not accurately recollect what he (Mr. P.) had then stated. When the noble lord came down to the House with his numerous evasions and tergiversations about the Orders of Council, wishing to retain them one day, to modify them another, to suspend them the next, and, lastly, consenting to revoke them, he had then clearly stated, that he was apprehensive those delays would prove fatal to the concession itself, which perhaps could no longer avert the threatened hostilities. He believed others had expressed the same opinion, but he was certain that he had. Some gentlemen had even gone further, and had said, that America, wearied by long refusals, would insist on her own terms; in which case he had declared that he would resist any pretensions contrary to the acknowledged rights and to the prosperity of England; that opinion he did not wish to retract; but before he expressed any opinion on the subject, he wished to know what had really passed in our negociations with America. He did not wish to praise or censure ministers without proofs. He had disapproved of their former conduct; it was with gladness he had heard them profess their conciliatory disposi tions, and he would not now pass condemnation upon them without evidence. The noble lord opposite, adverting to the si tuation of affairs in the peninsula, had asserted, that surely ministers could not be censured if the exertions they had made had kept pace with the resources of the country; he was one of those who had repeatedly asserted, that Spain could not be saved by British but by Spanish troops. He had always thought, that the mode in which we assisted the Spaniards was injudicious, and he was still of the same opinion; if he was wrong, if the system adopted by ministers was preferable to his suggestions, how could they stand justified in having carried on so ill, a better system, that no lasting advantage had been derived from it? How stood government in the present instance? A most brilliant victory had been obtained by the marquis of Wellington; a victory owing entirely to his own genius, for, from what he had learned from good authority, there never was a victory which depended less upon chance, and the probabilities of which had been submitted to stricter calculations. Yet what was the result? The gallant chief had been obliged to evacuate Madrid, which he had wrested from the foe; he had been forced to raise the siege of Burgos, for want of sufficient means, pursued by that very army which had yielded the palm of victory to his superior genius. The noble lord had stated that Russia had demanded neither money nor military assistance from this country; and this he believed, for he saw no recommendation in the Speech to provide for assistance of that nature. Russia had not demanded of us to make any exertion in her behalf in the north; no, but in Spain, as exertions made by us there would be more beneficial to her and to Europe. Had, then, the noble lord and his colleagues done in Spain all that the resources of England allowed them to do, and still were our prospects in the peninsula no brighter than they have represented them to be? If so, it was useless to carry further an unprofitable contest; it was useless to waste the blood and the treasures of England for an object unattainable; and it became proved, that the power of England was not competent to drive the French out of the peninsula. But, on the other hand, the noble lord had asserted that the power of England was fully adequate to the task; if so, ministers alone were to blame if the French were not driven out of the peninsula. If to comply with the earnest wishes of Russia they wanted additional means, they |
