ing classes of the present day, are not at all responsible for any regula. tions which interfere with commer cial liberty; they are, in point of fact, the classes which sustain the deepest injury from the existence of such regulations, and so far from being called upon to compensate their effects on the interest of others, they ought rather themselves to be compensated, for the effect which those regulations have had upon their own. The tendency of all prohibitive regulations, of all protecting duties, is to withdraw capital and labour from their most beneficial employments, and to give them a forced and unnatural direction. If we prohibit the importation of foreign manufactures, we, by the self-same act, necessarily prohibit the exportation of such of our

Laws have granted a monopoly of supply, no less annually than thirtyeight millions sterling, over and above what the corn produce alone of this country is worth elsewhere. A claim so monstrous as this, made by one part of the community upon another, has, I am persuaded, no parallel in any fact of real history. To equal it, we must have recourse to some narrative of fiction, and no such narrative at present occurs to my mind, which affords a more apt illustration of the spirit of agricultural aggression which this claim exhibits, than an incident in one of Voltaire's stories, which represents an Arab chief mag nifying his consequence, by declaring that he was not only the rightful owner of all that belonged to himself, but of all too that belonged to every body else.-(Immense cheer-own as would be taken in payment, ing.) Another argument which has and we thus lose all the advantage been used in favour of the Corn- that would accrue to us from the exLaws, is founded on those protec- change. It is clear, therefore, that tions and duties which have been the trading part of the community granted for the purpose of giving to has no interest in the continuance of some of our manufactures a mono- a monopolising policy (Applause.) poly of the home market. It is al- While therefore we oppose ourselves leged that, in consequence of these to a system, which gives to one class protections and duties, the corn a monopoly of the home market for growers of this country are compell-corn, let us disclaim all sanction and ed to pay for some of the articles they consume, more than would be the case if a free import of foreign manufactures was permitted. There may, for any thing I know, be still some individuals connected with trade and manufactures, who continue to set a value on legislative patronage; but sure I am, that I am only giving expression to the almost unanimous opinion of those who constitute the trading interests of the (Applause.) In connexion with the country, when I say that it is to be progress of our population, the existdeplored that such patronage was ence of the Corn-Laws presents conever bestowed upon us. If the agri- siderations of most appalling magniculturists claim indemnity for the tude. We have seen that from 1811 existence of these protecting duties, to 1821, the population increased at let them seek the indemnity from the annual average rate of about the few who have been benefited by 450,000. If the increase is to go them, and not from the whole com- on in this, or any thing like this, munity, which had suffered from ratio; if indeed it is to go on at all,' their existence in a degree at least and if, under the operation of a equally with themselves. The trad-system of Corn-Laws, food for its'

approval of another system, which professes to give us a monopoly of the home market for manufactures. Let those who have granted us this monopoly take it back: we have not sought for it-we feel it as an incumbrance we acknowledge no protection, but that which is afforded by the cheap administration of such laws, as will secure to us the possession of property, liberty, and life.

become manifest that we can no longer, in an equal degree, enjoy these advantages, the influence of these pernicious laws, in depressing our condition, must be constantly more and more palpable. (Cheers.) A recurrence, therefore, to sound principles in the trade in corn is es sential to the continuance of our commercial prosperity. But the freedom of this trade is not only of most serious importance, on account of the extent to which it might be carried, for the purposes of our own consumption, but it is also of great importance with a view to a general trade in it. From the extent and variety of our mercantile connexions, and the advantages we enjoy in the magnitude of our capital, the number of our ships, our excellent har

support is to be raised from our own soil, then it will be necessary to be constantly bringing into cultivation lands which, on account of their inferior quality, are in the present state and circumstances of society, wholly unfit for tillage in any country of the world. As the cultivation of inferior lands is extended with the cost of production, the price of corn must advance, till the consumers' power to purchase it will be exhausted; and then, through a lingering course of misery and starvation, accompanied by the degradation and consequent depravity of the poor, population will be checked. In the mean time, the rise in the price of corn will gradually communicate itself to labour, and through labour to all manufactured goods, and this rise in the price of manufactured goods will ul-bours, and our insular situation, we timately, in spite of our machinery, and in spite of all other "means and appliances to boot," enable foreigners to undersell us. The high comparative price of subsistence, which the Corn-Laws have hitherto occasioned, must so seriously have retarded our national prosperity, that if it had not been for the pre-eminence of our skill, capital, industry, and machinery, its eflects in checking our progress would have been long ago, what I indulge the hope it is not even yet, fatally apparent. Till recently indeed, we have gone on our course rejoicing; our advance in wealth and power has been distinguished for its rapidity and magnificence; but let not this deceive us - let not the splendour and brilliancy of any past success disturb the accuracy and distinctness of our present views--for

might reasonably calculate that, with a free trade in corn, England would become the granary of Europe, and would thus secure to itself, besides all other concomitant advantages, a principal share in the carrying trade of this bulky and valuable product. An admission of the solidity of these views is now beginning to manifest itself in quarters which, hitherto, in ministering to the cupidity and prejudices of the landed interest, for the purpose, no doubt, of obtaining the sanction of that interest to their own most prodigal expenditure, have either turned a deaf ear, or given a stern and unfeeling denial to all national remonstrances on the subject. Itis nowunderstood that several members of Government are desirous to effect such a revision of the Corn-Laws as will at once most favourably mo→ dify, and perhaps ultimately.remove all restrictions on the corn trade. In corroboration of what is thus thought to be the desire of some of the Mi In the midst of all our success, in the nisters, I beg to quote what Mr. midst of all our prosperity, the Corn- Huskisson said on the hustings in Lis Laws have been destructively counter-verpool, at the late election there. He acting all the advantages we have en- said, "That the commercial mea joyed; and now, when from the in-"sures for which he was responsible creased enterprise of our commercial" had been undertaken by him, that rivals, and from other causes, it has he might show to the landed interest

"The shining there, like light on graves, "Has rank cold hearts beneath it."(Immense cheering.)

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"Ne'er to let it bind again

"The chain that will be broke from then."

(Tremendous applause, which continued for some time after the speaker had sat down.)

"that they took an erroneous view of "the subject, if they imagined that "their monopoly could any longer be "allowed to stand on the same "foundation as that on which it "rested in 1818. These measures had, in his opinion, prepared the 2d. "That, in the opinion of this way for a safe alteration in the Corn-"mecting, the alarming distress in "Laws, under such regulations, with "the neighbouring districts cannot respect to duty, as would secure, at "be effectually remedied without a a moderate, reasonable, and steady" change in those laws which forbid price, a sufficient supply of that "the importation of foreign corn "first article of consumption; and "until corn of home growth shall "thus revive that which was the only" have attained a price which it is legitimate foundation of power, and "impossible for the people of this source of wealth-namely, compara- country to pay; which laws, there"tive case and comfort to the labour-" fore amount to an exclusion of that ing classes." To the necessary and corn, and which exclusion operates beneficent purpose thus announced, it" to the injury of the manufacturing is our duty to give all the support in classes, and of the nation at large, our power, especially as the general" in the four following ways:-First, support of the country is necessary" In enhancing prodigiously the to enable the Ministers to encounter, prices of the prime necessaries of with any chance of success, the al- life. Second, In shutting out from most overwhelming authority of the British markets all those foreignlanded interest. In the discharge ers, of various rations, whose need of the duty of contributing our sup- "of the goods which we make, is port, we are now called upon to ex- "surpassed only by our need of the press strongly and decisively an opi-corn which they offer in exchange. nion in favour of the measure. We" Third, In making it the interest are called upon to do this by all the" of those nations to encourage, by motives that would induce us to avert "all possible means, the progress of ruin from ourselves-by all the spirit "native manufactures; thus not and energy with which we would rc-" only depriving us of the trade of pel, what the Corn-Laws are, an open supplying their wants, but raising and flagrant aggression on our rights" them up against us into the most by all the pride and patriotism which" dangerous rivals in the trade of interest us in perpetuating and ex-" supplying the wants of those other tending the prosperity of our coun- "countries, the markets of which try-by all the wishes we entertain" are equally open to all. And, to preserve with foreign states those "Fourthly, In introducing the spirit relations of peace and friendship "and practice of hazardous speculawhich shed blessings upon all; and❝tions into the formerly steady and for the continuance of which, a free" regular business of all persons concorn trade would be an additional," cerned in raising or selling the probably the most powerful, security; " products of the land, making the by all these motives and feelings are "prosperity, even of the farmer, we now called upon to exert our- "and the supply of the fruits of the selves to break down the present odious" earth, to depend, not upon the inand destructive system; to establish" dustry of man, nor in the bounty the trade in corn on a just and solid" of the seasons, but upon a system basis; and that accomplished, by the" of averages, managed with so much same motives and feelings, shall we "falsehood and fraud as to produce be required hereafter so to resist all" the most deceptive and injurious subsequent interference, as "results."

MR. MARK PHILLIPS seconded this Resolution, and expressed his conviction of its propriety, in a neat speech.

He

to show the ability of the country to fulfil its obligations, it was assumed that 3/. 15s. per head, or 161. 7s. 6d. for each family, was the rate of contribution to the Revenue. They might MR. PRENTICE, in moving the be told this was a small sum or mere Third Resolution, said, that after the trifle-a thing not worth naming; picture of the state of the people in but we know, (said Mr. Prentice), the this town and its neighbourhood, distressing effects which result from which had been drawn by Mr. Potter withdrawing from the people so large with so much ability and feeling, and a portion of the produce of their hoas they all knew, unhappily, with so nest industry; and knowing it, it is much truth, and with the conviction proper and becoming in us as men, on their minds that the distress having, we trust, our hearts in the which he had described was not right place, to stand forward and delikely to be of short duration, it mand that what is wrung from a misewould be doing their duty only in ruble and impoverished people, shall not part, and that not the most impor- be expended with wasteful extravatant part, if they stopped short with gance.-(Applause.) He would not the expression of their opinions as to enter into any detail as to the varithe injurious operation of the Corn- ous items in which a reduction of exLaws. The Resolution which they penditure might be effected. had so unequivocally approved of, would not travel over the disgusting would go forth as a decided expres- list of placemen, and sinecurists, and sion of the feeling which prevailed pensioners, who shared amongst them in this part of the country; but he so large a portion of the public money. trusted it would go forth, accompa- He had seen, in the reception of the nied also with as unequivocal and as honest cotton-spinners' remarks, that unanimous an expression of their such a detail would exhaust their paopinion, as to the injurious effect of tience. He would not waste their inordinate taxation. — (Applause.) time in exposing the wretched soAfter the strong and forcible manner phistry, that the national dignity was in which Mr. Shuttleworth had supported and upheld by the greatshown the weight of the burden im-ness of the amount expended on the posed by the Corn-Laws, he feared show and trappings of royalty; for he should not easily, by any means every man who had a particle of reaof his, lead them to look on other son or common sense must know it burdens as more intolerable; but he was not from the brilliancy and granwould be assisted by their own expe- deur of its court and its palaces, nor rience of the sufferings to which from the splendid equipages of its heavy taxation exposed them; and he ambassadors, but from power, and should be enabled, by Mr. S.'s calcula-power under just direction, that a tions, to show the proportion between country was respected and feared→ the pressure of the corn tax and the (Hear, hear!) He would not enter Government taxes. That gentleman into such details or arguments, but had stated that thirty-eight millions would briefly say, that if Mr. Hume's was the probable amount of that tax, recommendation was attended to, to which would be 38s. for every indivi- abandon the now palpable juggle of dual man, woman, and child, of our the Sinking Fund, and to exercise an population, or 71. or el. for each fa-ordinary degree of economy in the na mily. This was a great, a grievous tional expenditure, Ministers might retax, and such they all felt it. But lieve the country of taxes to the amount the Government taxes were still of ten millions a year. The possibimore grievous, still more intolerable; lity of great retrenchment was proved for, in a calculation made expressly by the fact that, at former periods of

our history, when the country was a revenue several times as great as not much less great and powerful" the whole revenue of England, is than it now is, a century ago, the "expended in the maintenance, apwhole expenditure was four millions."parently designed to be perpetual, He chose this period for illustration," of an immense standing army; in because it was after the introduction" support of what the Ministers of the funding system, that pernicious" themselves have denominated the system, which enabled a King and a "Dead Weight;' in the payment people to play at the game of war," of greatly disproportioned salaries and shift the burden on posterity.-" to the officers of state; in supply(Hear, hear.) At that period, when" ing, by pensions and sinecures, the they had no National Debt to pay, the" means of extravagance to great whole expenditure was not more than" numbers of individuals and famia fourteenth part of the present ex-"lies to whom the public never was penditure. Now, he would ask, was" indebted for any the smallest porthere any thing in the present cir-"tion of service; and in various cumstances of the country to justify" other charges, for which the most an expenditure fourteen times larger prosperous condition any country than the expenditure in the reign of "ever knew could furnish no excuse, George the First? Coming to a late" and which, in this country, after period-a period subsequent to that" the exhaustion of a twenty-five war against our colonies, in which" years' war, are as unjustifiable in we expended a sum, the interest of" their principle as they are oppreswhich is larger than the revenue of "sive and destructive in their efthat now great and flourishing repub-"fects." lic, even with the accession of debt so occasioned, the expenditure 34 years ago was not more than onefourth of what it is now. "But it seems," said he," the machinery of State is the only machinery that has not received simplification and improvement; and while science and art have combined to lower the cost of every thing else, the cost of Government has daily become greater and greater.

"3d. That while ascribing so many evils to the operation of the "Corn-Laws, this meeting cannot "refrain, at a time like the present, "from declaring their belief that "much of the evil under which the "whole British people suffers, is to "be traced to the enormous account "of the taxes levied in this king"dom; an account which, to its present extent, this meeting is "strongly of opinion, is unneces"sary for the purpose of a govern"ment anxious only to promote the "public welfare, seeing that besides "the great sums applied in discharge "of the interest of the National Debt,

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This Resolution was seconded by Mr. CROFT.

MR. HARVEY, in moving the fourth Resolution, said, the great cruelty and injustice of the CornLaws has already been shown, and the prices that in consequence of these laws you are compelled to pay; it has also been shown that we are so oppressed with taxes as to be less able to pay for dear bread. Respecting the important Resolutions on these subjects, it is, therefore, unnecessary for me to say any thing. I shall confine myself to the laws appertaining to the paper-system-laws more injurious in their consequences than either the Corn-Laws, or the taxes, or any other laws I know of. Up to 1797 the Bank of England, and other banks, were compelled to pay their notes in cash; but the Bank of England, at that period unable to pay its notes in gold, got Pitt and his Parliament to pass a law to protect it against its creditors. After this period the paper was pushed out, and in consequence, through