itself also by the most individual language of the book, leaves a feeling of restlessness behind. Simmel's language is rich in analogies, and it cannot be denied that analogy is a justified, even an important, medium of science. But it seems to me that an intellect in which the tendency to analogies and similarities is so strong as in Simmel's is easily led to overrate their argumentative power. If Schmoller blames Simmel for not excluding credit from his treatment of monetary phenomena, it seems to me that it is impossible to separate money from credit, yea that the true meaning of money only becomes evident by credit. Money has not yet reached the highest stage of development; Simmel wanted to show the tendency in which it is going to develop. But that regards only one part, and not even the most important one, of his book.

Whoever refuses to accept Simmel's rationalistic interpretation of being must refuse to accept this book; whoever does not will have hours of pure enjoyment and infinite instruction in reading it. It is not of importance whether this book has found a solution for all the problems it has touched, but the fact that it gives an infinitely deep psychological interpretation of life makes it valuable for all time. It might be said of it what Simmel himself wrote on a different occasion. Only the narrow pride of a scientific bureaucracy can refuse to accept the instalment of knowledge which is presented here in the form of artistic intuition. "Simmel himself is distinguished by what he has praised in Nietzsche, by the subtlety of feeling, the depth of causal analytics, the exactness of expression, the boldness of his attempts to express the undertones and intimacies of the soul, which no one before ever dared approach. The circle of those for whom he has written will unfortunately be small, and the Philosophy of Money ought to be introduced by the words with which Henry Beyle ends one of his works: "To the happy few."

BERLIN, GERMANY.

S. P. ALTMANN.

INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY. IV.1

PART III. GENERAL STRUCTURE OF SOCIETIES.

SECTION IX.

CHAPTER IV. THE SOCIAL LIMITS.—Continued.

DEMONSTRATION OF THE INDIVIDUO-COLLECTIVE PSYCHICAL
LIMITS BY THE PATHOLOGY OF THE MIND.

A. Insanity. The pathology of the mind furnishes us interesting indications of the support of the law of constant and necessary limitation of the intellectual phenomena as the most general condition of their equilibrium. There are all sorts of disturbances resulting from diseases of the mind. They are all more or less excessive oscillations of psychophysical activity and the return to an equilibrium distinctly inferior or constantly regressive in case the health is not restored. Ch. Ribot, Dr. Dallemagne, and Dr. Sollier, among many others, have introduced us to the diseases of the memory, will, and personality. They are all characterized either by an excess or a lack of normal limits, and by an abnormal concentration or decentralization of nervous structure and activity. Mental derangement is a breaking up of the equilibrium between the nervous system and the internal and external environment. The brain is not only related to the individual for whom it functions, but it is also related to the social environment; the latter furnishes the most exciting stimulus to its activity; it is the principal generator of excessive oscillations which can produce irregular functioning. The more an organ functions, the more susceptible it is to disease. Acute rheumatism occurs most frequently in the articulations of the legs and arms of manual laborers, and the brain of intellectual workers is more often diseased than among other classes of the population. The work of Broca in cerebral thermometry has shown that the temperature of the frontal regions is higher than that of the occipital. Mental labor increases the flow of blood to the brain, and consequently the chances of alteration.

'Translated by EBEN MUMFOrd.

Mental derangement is rare among animals and primitive peoples, whose activity is chiefly muscular and devoted to securing food. The same is true where there exist strong demarkations between classes of the population. Thus in 1862 in the United States the proportion in ten thousand insane was as follows:

In France the proportion of insane in ten thousand was as follows:

In Paris there was I case of insanity for every 302 inhabitants; in the surrounding country, only I for 1,474. In Nancy the proportion was I to 500 inhabitants; in the remainder of the country, only I for 1,438 inhabitants. In general, the percentage of insanity increases more rapidly in France and Belgium than the population. The proportion of insane in France for 1,000 inhabitants was in:

In England from 1845 to 1879 the population increased 45 per cent.; the number of insane, 250 per cent., or more than five and one-half times faster. In Ireland the proportion of mental derangement was 0.76 per 1,000 inhabitants; ten years later, in 1871, 1.35 per 1,000. It is necessary to take into consideration that in twenty years two million individuals, forming the most energetic and healthy part of the people, left this unfortunate country.

In the United Kingdom, according to an official report, the following was the proportion of insane:

According to the official statistics of 1902, there was in England and Wales in 1859 only 1 lunatic for 536 inhabitants; in 1902, I for 298. In 1902, 110,713 insane were placed in asylums. According to the Blue Book, the factors causing this startling development were the following:

and sexual passions constitute other factors-some biological, others psychic and in part social:

The same statistics show that of 10,000 laborers in the cities, females show the highest proportion of insanity:

Quetelet, in his Physique sociale, began to distinguish insanity from idiocy. In the former the overexcited brain goes beyond its physiological power; in the latter the arrest in the development of the organ has carried with it that of the intellect. For Quetelet, as for Esquivol, "the progress of civilization increases insanity." This thesis is only relatively true. Progress implies, in addition to social development, a very great differentiation

and also co-ordination, and a subsequent superior equilibrium In reality, the development of insanity is peculiar to a crisis of development and differentiation destined to be extenuated more and more in the measure that the new equilibrium tends to constitute itself and to limit the pathological phenomena to the narrowest boundaries. From this point of view, for example, it is certain that economic crises exercise a considerable influence in causing insanity, and, unfortunately, in our most advanced societies the crises have become the rule; hence the continued growth of mental derangements, especially in countries possessing a high civilization, but a civilization not yet coherent. However, crises, although indicating generally a tendency to progress, can, in certain cases, correspond to a social retrogression. The development of mental derangement, then, is not necessarily in relation to the progress of civilization, but rather to a possible state either of dissolution or superior integration. The crisis is not, in the main, an essential element and characteristic of progress; neither is mental disease. It is not progress, then, which increases insanity, but the crisis which precedes either the progress or the regress. This is the case in Belgium, whose economic development, let us hope, will tend toward a superior social co-ordination where the perturbations, economic as well as mental, moral, and political, will necesarily be reduced. The following is a table of the insane of Belgium in institutions, not comprising, therefore, the insane living in their own families: