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helpe the nobilitie, and protestants of Scotland, to expell BOOK the French or no?

That No.

I. It is against God's law to ayd any subjects against their naturall prince, or their ministers.

II. It is dangerouse to doo it; for if the ayd shal be no other than maye be kept in secretie, it cannot be great; and so consequently it shall not suffice. If it shall be open, it will procure warres, and the end therof is uncertain.

III. It maye be dowted that when money spent is, and aide shall be given, the French maye compownd with the Scottes, and pardon that error, to joyne both in force ageynst England; which is more easy to be beleved, because they had rather make a shamefull composition with Scotland, than suffer it to be rejoyned and united to the crown of England.

IV. It may be dowbted, that to staye the progress of religion, ageynst the see of Rome, the emperor, the king catholicke, the pope, and the potentates in Italy, the duke of Savoye, will rather conspyre with the French king, than to suffer theis two monarchies to be joyned in one manner of religion. And in this part may be doubted that many, aswell Scottes as English, that can lyke very well to have these two kingdomes perfectly knitt in amytye, will not allowe them to be knitt in a lyke religion.

That Yea.

I. First, It is agreeable, both to the law of God and nature, that every prynce and publyck state shuld defend it self; not only from perrills presently sene, but from dangers that be probably sene to come shortly after.

II. Secondly, Nature and reason teacheth every person, politick or other, to use the same manner of defence that the adversary useth in offence.

Uppon theis two prynciplees agreed will evidently follow, that England both maye and ought to ayde Scotland to kepe owt the Frenche.

1. First, The crowne of England hath a good title to the

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PART superiorety of Scotland; and owght to defend the libertyes thereof, as themperor is bound to defend the state of Millane, or of Boheme, being held of the empyre. And to prove this superiorety, remayne undowted prooffes under seale, of sondry homagees done to this crowne by the kings of Scotland successyvely, of their accesses to the parlements of England, of the episcopall jurisdiction of the see of York over Scotland: in consideration wherof, if it may appere that the French meane to subdue Scotland, and so to exempt that realme from the amytye of England, it semeth that England is of duety, and in honour bound to preserve the realme of Scotland from such an absolute dominion of the French.

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2. Item, Beside this interest that England hath in the crowne of Scotland, for the quiet possession, wheras France * A word hath onely by there warres kept the realme of England*. seems want- It is most manifest that France cannot any wise so redely, bly, in dan- so puissantly, so easely offend, yea, invade and put the crown of England in daunger, as if they may recover an absolute authorite over Scotland: and before that be proved, it semeth not out of order, though not very nedefull to make manifest that the French ar to be taken as enemyes in will, though not in manifest words.

ger.

How long time they have bene enemyes to England, how brickle, how false, how double ther pacts of peace have bene, the storyes be witnesses theis seven hondred yeres. Was there ever king of England, with whom they have not made warres? And now of late, uppon what occasion they made peace with England is too manifest. It was by reason of wearyness and povertye, which was such, as the late French king forboare not to expresse in his letters to the queen of England, mentioning the invasions made in Bryttaine by sea. And indede this is to be received as a principle, that France cannot be poor above one or two yeres, nether can so long be out of wars. The revenues of the French crown are thyngs unknown: the insolency of the French nation, being in hope of victory, is not unknown. The long

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old hatred of the house of Guise, which now occupyeth the BOOK kyng's authorite, agaynst England hath been often well understood.

And to come nerer to the matter; it is manifest many wayes what manner a platt that house hath made to bereave the queen's majesty of hir crowne. In queen Mary's tyme, the French did not let to divulge ther opinions agaynst this lawful title of the queen's majesty; and as it was well knowen, had not Almighty God favored the queen's majesty to come to the crowne with such universall joy of hir people, the French had proclaimed ther title both in France and Scotland.

And likewise in the treaty of the peace at Chasteau in Cambresis, it appeared what they would have compassed, when they pressed the Burgundians to conclude with them, and over-pass the treaty with England; alledging, that they could not tell how to treat with England, but to the prejudice of ther right; the dauphiness, his daughter, then having right to the crown of England. How bold they wold have been, if at that tyme she had been queen of France, and her husband king, as he now is! For then the wisdom of the constable governed the rashness of the Guisians.

Sence the peace concluded, whilest the French king lived, what means they made at Rome to have made the queen's majesty to be declared illegitimate, is manifest; and so as it is known that the same sentence is brought into France under the pope's bulls. Likewise, at the confirmation of the peace betwixt Spain and France, at the solemnities even when the French king was slayne, it appereth what manifest injurye and dishonour they did to the queen's majesty, to assign the arms of England and Ireland to the French queen, and that in all their pageants: and being admonished thereof by the ambassador, wold nether make collorable excuse, nor leave it; but both continued therin, and also to despise the queen's majesty's ambassador, and ratification of the peace with the stile. M. Meulas serv'd them with silver vessell stamped with the same usurped armes. How lightly

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PART they have esteemed the queen's majesty, in all this tyme appereth: for here they be bound by treaty to deliver 4 hostages, notwithstanding that they have been pressed therto, they have sent but three; wherof one or two be such, as if they had not been here; but whether the queen's majestie had not suffered the dishonour, to have one of her subjects murdered, and no redress therof, but as it appered when they had committed the murder, they disdained, and quarrelled against such as did but seke, to understand the offenders.

Now the very cause why they stay the prosecution hereof is this, their interruption and parboylls unlooked for in Scotland, which doth so occupy them as they nether can ne dare to utter ther former maliciose purpose untill that be ended.

But surely besid there old cankered malyce to this realm, this matter so inflameth the house of Guise, that they will not forbear one day longer than of mere necessity they shall be constreyned, to bord this realm with that fayned tytle, and to avance the same. It is knowen that they have sent a great seale into Scotland with the armes, and very stile and title of England and Ireland, and what more manefest arguments can be to shew what they mean and intend then these. In princes practices it is mere childeshness to tarry until the practices be set abrode, for then were it as good to tarry till the trumpet sound wars. All things have there causes precedeing before, but nothing hath his causes precedeing more secretly than the practices of princess; and of all other none is so conning as the French.

It followeth to be considered, that now the French have no convenient way to invade England but by Scotland; by Carlisle they were accustomed, by sea is not so convenient for them, the same being too chargeable for them to assayle: wherefore if it be sene that they will persue their purpose and that by Scotland, then reason must force England to confess that to avoyde this danger so apparent, can no way be devised, but to help that the French have not such rule and overhand in Scotland as that they may by that realm invade England.

Lastly, It is to be considered how dangerouse it is for BOOK England to be invaded by the way of Scotland.

First, If the French shall present to England a battle, either they will do it with strangers, or French and strangers: if they win, which God forbid, they put in hazard this crown. And though they lese, yet do they not put there own kingdom of France in danger. And therefore it is double the danger for England to venter battle upon the frontiers of England, to a battle upon the marches of Calais or Bulloyness.

A conclusion.

It seemeth the weightiest matter to be considered, that either hath or can chance to England, What is presently to be done for the aid of Scotland: for if it shuld be nedefull the delay will adventure the whole: and if loss come, it is unrecoverable. Wherefore it were good that the cause were well and secretly weighted: first, by discreet and wise men, that have experience, affected to the English nation, special love to the queens majesties person; and that done, to send by some colour for the nobilitie, and to consult with them, or ells to send some trusty persons with credit to understand

their minds.

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Number 55.

The Bond of Association, with this title, Ane Contract of the Lords and Barons, to defend the Liberty of the Evangell of Christ.

Copied from the original at Hamilton.

Ar Edinburgh, the twintie seventh of Apryll, the year of God ane thousand fyve hundred threescore years: we whaes names are underwritten, haif promittit and obliedged our selves faithfully, in the presence of our God, and be thir presents promitts, that we altogether in general, and every one of us in special, be himself, with our bodies, goods, friends, and all that we may do, sall set forwart the reformation of religion, according to Goddes worde; and procure, be all means possible, that the true preaching of Goddes

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