Church. In other words, we go to Rome,' said he 'but not to restrict the independence of the Sovereign Pontiff, nor to bring spiritual things under the yoke of civil authority.'

The impolicy of a present attack on Venetia was perhaps even more evident. It could not fail to cause an instant rupture with Austria, in which the new kingdom would not have the sympathy of a single state in Europe. Such a sympathy he did not indeed despair of at some future time. But the Italians must first show to Europe a well-organised and solid State, based on the will of the people; then,' he said, 'the opinion of Europe might change. The fate of Venice would excite interest not only in generous France and in just England, but even in noble-minded Germany.' And for this change of circumstances he was contented to wait patiently, having indeed abundance of employment in bringing the new kingdom into the condition which he had thus pointed out.

It may seem somewhat strange to those who remember the inflexible tenacity with which the Government of the Vatican has at all times clung to every prerogative it has ever established, and even to every claim which it has ever advanced, that Cavour anticipated less difficulty in dealing with the Pope than with the Emperor. His own description of his object, the establishment of a free church in a free state, seems to Protestants to contain in those few words two principles that the Papacy would never acknowledge. But Cavour was so convinced that the deprivation of temporal sovereignty would be a gain rather than a loss to the Pope, that he did not despair of persuading him to regard the matter in the same light as himself. And he did succeed in inducing Pius to receive an envoy from the King, and to enter with him into the discussion of his plans; though it is hardly likely that the Sovereign Pontiff ever seriously entertained the idea of renouncing a particle of his temporal any more than of his spiritual sovereignty. Cavour could hardly have been surprised at the failure of his first negotiation, and he was not spared to lay the foundation of a second.

In a career such as his every new success, instead of being a relief, commonly brings with it additional toil and anxiety, and throughout the spring of 1861 it became evident to all his friends that his health was giving way under the constant strain to which both body and mind were subjected; and they looked forward for the holiday which the adjournment of the Parliament would afford him to recruit his strength. But the vacation which they were hoping for for him he might not see. On May 29, he had been offering a vigorous

resistance to some proposals of the Republican party in the Parliament; but on returning to his house he complained of unusual weakness. He gave himself rest but for a single day. On the 31st he returned to his office, but it was his last effort. On the morning of June I all Turin knew that he was seriously ill; by the evening they learnt that he was dying. During the few following days he was often delirious; but whenever he came to himself, his thoughts and broken words were given to the country he had served so diligently. At times he spoke with exultation of what he had done, 'there are no longer Lombards, Piedmontese, Tuscans, or Romans, all are Italians.' At times he dwelt with anxiety on what remained to be done; and, as if sanguine of recovery, expressed his resolution to avoid equally the license of Republicanism and the fierce coercion of absolute governments. He would govern with liberty, and would show the world what ten years of liberty could do for the country.' On the morning of the 6th, Fra Giacomo, a priest whom he had always highly esteemed, administered to him the rites of the Church. And, when his prayers were ended, Cavour, pressing his hand, returned in thought to his projects for the Church's future. 'Frate, frate,' said he, 'libera chièsa in libero stato.' They were his last words; almost while uttering them he laid his head back on the pillow and died without a struggle. He was not yet 51 years of age.

In what may be called the foreign policy of the new kingdom thus prematurely deprived of his guidance, the greater part of what remained to be done was accomplished within ten years of his death, though not exactly as he had expected. It was not to any increase of friendliness in Germany, but to war among the Germans themselves, that Victor Emmanuel owed the acquisition of Venetia. It was to the misfortunes of the very ally on whose co-operation Cavour had most steadily reckoned that he was indebted for his establishment in Rome. But it was in no slight degree because the great Minister's policy, both at home and abroad, was still wisely adhered to, that the desire for annexation to the new kingdom continued to influence every part of the peninsula. And a still more undeniable testimony to his merits, as being dictated by a judgment in which patriotic excitement could have no part, is to be found in the sorrow expressed for his loss in foreign countries, and especially in our own Parliament. He had had dealings with the leaders of both parties. Both, when in office, had somewhat disappointed his hopes by the caution which their duty to their own

country imposed upon them, and which bound them to abstain from active interposition in a quarrel with which British interests had no connection. But from both sides of both Houses there now came a general lamentation for his death as a public calamity. Lord Palmerston spoke of him as the one great originator of all the improvements, social, moral, and political, which had taken place in Italy, improvements which would long survive him, and would entail inestimable benefits on the country. And Lord Malmesbury, though in his negotiations with Cavour when alive he had seemed to his eager enthusiasm less warm in the cause of Italian liberty than his Whig rival, was now still more emphatic than he in his expression of the feelings that, as what the Italians had done was owing to his influence, so their success in what they had still to do would depend on the degree in which they remembered the lessons of combined prudence and resolution which he had inculcated. 'His memory would be a beacon and example to them, which it was most important that they should follow, not only for their own sake, but for that of every country in Europe.'

ART. IV.-ENGLISH CHURCHMEN ON THE

CONTINENT.

1. Life of White Kennett, Bishop of Peterborough. 1730. 2. An Account of the Levant Company. 1825.

3. An Enquiry into the State of the Church of England Congregations in France, &c. By Rev. R. BURGESS. 1850. 4. Reports of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. 1875-6.

5. Reports of the Colonial and Continental Church Society. 1875-6.

FOR many years the position of the Church of England abroad has from time to time occupied the attention of Churchmen. Convocation, the Church Congress, Church periodicals, have all in turn taken the matter up; but while the importance of the subject has always been insisted upon, the difficulty of dealing with it has generally left the matter, to all appearance, very much where it was. At the same time it is encouraging

to remark that at the various intervals at which the subject has come to the surface, though many complaints have still been made, it has generally been admitted, at each succeeding epoch, that matters have improved, though always with the additional observation that much remains to be done. We here propose to give a brief historical sketch of Church of England ministrations abroad, and then to consider her present position, the work which is being done, what is still needed, and the best methods of effecting it.

The earliest foreign chaplaincies of which we have any distinct account appear to have been those established in connection with English ambassadors, among whom we find the mention of Mr. Chamberlayne, ambassador from King Edward VI. to the Lady Regent of Flanders in 1550, and Mr. Mann, ambassador of Queen Elizabeth in Spain in 1556, both of whom were attended by their chaplains, and both of whom were interrupted in the exercise of their religion by being prohibited from having service in their own houses-a prohibition which was removed upon the urgent representations of the English Government. Sir Jerome Bowes, ambassador to the Russian Court from Queen Elizabeth, is described as 'being attended upon with forty persons at the least, very honourably furnished, whereof many were gentlemen, and one Mr. Humfrey Cole, a learned preacher.''

With the gradual development of English commerce, factories, or establishments of English merchants and factors, who negotiated business for themselves and their employers, were established in many parts of the Continent; and wherever Englishmen resided abroad, they were, in those days, accompanied by the ordinances of the English Church. All such congregations are said to have been placed under the Bishop of London as their diocesan,' by Order of the King in Council in the reign of Charles I., during Laud's episcopate; and such jurisdiction is referred to in a letter from Laud when Archbishop of Canterbury, dated June 17, 1634, in consequence of an Order in Council for bringing the English factories and forces in Holland to a conformity with the Liturgy.

This letter commends to the English factory at Delph Mr. Beaumont, chosen by joint consent of their company to be their preacher, and informing them of the King's express command that they, and 'all and every other merchant that is or shall be residing in those parts beyond the seas, do conform themselves to the doctrine and discipline settled in

1 Hakluyt, i. 516.

the Church of England, and that they frequent the common prayers with all religious duty and reverence at all times required, as well as they do sermons.' And Mr. Beaumont was enjoined to keep and observe all the orders of the Church of England, as they are prescribed in the canons and rubrics of the Liturgy; and if any should be refractory, his name and offence were to be certified to the Bishop of London, who was to take order and give remedy accordingly.' '

1

Among the most important settlements of English merchants were the factories of the Levant Company, a society incorporated by royal charter in 1581, and which only ceased to exist in 1825. Two years after its foundation letters were addressed by Queen Elizabeth to the Kings of Cambay and China, and sent by the hands of English merchants, two of whom published an account of their proceedings. Their course was by Tripoli in Syria, and by Aleppo to Babylon, thence to the island of Ormus, after which they proceeded to Goa and as far as Agra, Patna, Pegu, Malacca, Ceylon, and the coast of Malabar.2 The information thus acquired gave a fresh impetus to the exertions and influence of the Levant Company, and not the least honourable of many excellent deeds of this society was the care which was taken to secure for all in their employment the enjoyment of Church privileges.

The list of their chaplains includes many of the most able and devoted clergy of the time in which they lived. Among them was Edward Pocock, chaplain at Aleppo from 1630 to 1636, when he became the first Laudian professor of Arabic at Oxford-a man distinguished not only for his learning, but for the zealous discharge of his pastoral duties. 'What he laboured to persuade others to he duly practised himself, proposing to his hearers in his own regular and unspotted life a bright example of the holiness he recommended.' In 1637 he visited Constantinople, where he officiated as chaplain to the British ambassador. He was made professor of Hebrew at Oxford in 1648, but was turned out of the canonry attached to it in 1650, and an attempt was made to eject him from his parish of Childrey, which was successfully resisted by Owen, Dean of Christ Church, who declared that he could not be a party to 'turning out a man for insufficiency whom all the learned, not of England, but of all Europe, so justly admired for his vast knowledge and extraordinary accomplishments.' He lived to the advanced age of eighty-seven, having, in the course of his long life, suffered many persecutions from the turbulent

1 Collier, viii. 90.

2

Hakluyt, ii. 382-398.