Obrazy na stronie

Audiet cives acuisse ferrum

Quo graves Persae melius perirent;
Audiet pugnas vitio parentum

Rara juventus.

Quem vocet divum populus ruentis
Imperi rebus? prece qua fatigent
Virgines sanctae minus audientem
Carmina Vestam?

Cui dabit partes scelus expiandi
Juppiter? Tandem venias precamur
Nube candentes humeros amictus
Augur Apollo;

beautiful passage). Silius (xii. 543) makes
Ilia hide herself in the bosom of her spouse
as Hannibal approaches the Anio. That
there were two legends therefore, in this as
in most cases, must be admitted. Cru-
quius' commentator gets rid of the difficulty
in true Scholiast fashion by saying that
Ilia was buried by the banks of the Anio,
which carried her remains away and washed
them into the Tiber; and hence she was said
to have been married to the Tiber. Servius
(on Aen.i. 277) remarks on Horace's version,
which he says is supported by other writers.
Claudian is one. Speaking of the Tiber he


"Palla graves humeros velat quam neverat


Ilia, percurrens vitreas sub gurgite telas." (In Prob. et Olyb. Cons. 224.) Jove may be supposed to have disapproved the presumption of the river-god, because he had reserved the task of expiation for other hands and happier means.

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21. cives acuisse ferrum] 'inter se' or "in semetipsos' is readily understood. Mitscherlich and others make audiet acuisse' a prophecy, shall hear them sharpen,' whereas it should be rendered shall hear of theft having sharpened.' Horace is not predicting what is to be, but lamenting what has been.

Persians, Medes, and Parthians are names freely interchanged by Horace. The growth of the Parthian power from the condition of an insignificant dependency to the absorption of nearly the whole of the vast empire of the Seleucidae, is a question of history which need not be entered upon here. It will be borne in mind however with reference to the above confusion of names that the Parthian empire, at the time Horace wrote, extended nearly from the Indus to the Roman province of Syria; and that the Parthians were in the habit of



making incursions into that province, which fact is referred to in the last stanza of this ode. Although the name of Augustus, assisted by their own disputes, did something towards keeping them in check, they were held by the Romans to be their most formidable enemies, as the readers of Horace will easily perceive. Augustus meditated but never carried out war with the Parthians, and the Romans never till the reign of Trajan gained any successes against them. Their empire was broken up and succeeded by the Persian kingdom of the Sassanidae during the reign of Alexander Severus, a.d. 226.- Perirent' would in prose be 'perituri forent.'-The opening of Lucan's first book may be compared with this ode.

24. Rara juventus.] It took years of peace and the enactment of stringent marriage-laws to restore the population of Rome, which was thinned not only by and laxity of morals. (See Article Julia bloodshed but by indifference to marriage Lex Papia et Poppaea in Smith's Dict. Ant.)

appeal of the chorus in Aesch. S. c. Theb., 25. Quem vocet divum] The passionate apkéσEL Oεwv ǹ leav; may be compared beginning v. 92 : τίς ἄρα ῥύσεται, τίς ἄρ ̓ with this. Vesta the tutelary goddess of Rome (Virg. G. i. 499, sqq.

"Dii patrii Indigetes, et Romule, Vestaque mater,

Quae Tuscum Tyberim et Romana palatia servas,")

is represented as turning a deaf ear to the prayers of her virgins, because Caesar as Pontifex Maximus had particular charge of her temple and rites. So in Ovid she exclaims:

- "meus fuit ille sacerdos ;

Sacrilegae telis me petiere manus.
At quicunque nefas ausi, prohibente deo-


Numine, polluerant pontificale caput,

Sive tu mavis, Erycina ridens,

Quam Jocus circum volat et Cupido ;
Sive neglectum genus et nepotes
Respicis auctor,

Heu nimis longo satiate ludo,
Quem juvat clamor galeaeque leves
Acer et Mauri peditis cruentum
Voltus in hostem ;

Morte jacent merita.

Hoc opus, haec pietas, haec prima elementa fuerunt

Caesaris ulcisci justa per arma patrem." (Fast. iii. 699, sqq.) And when Augustus was made Pontifex Maximus Ovid writes, (iii. 421):

"Ignibus aeternis aeterni numina præsunt Caesaris.

Ortus ab Aenea tangit cognata sacerdos

Numina; cognatum Vesta tuere caput. Quos sancta fovet ille manu, bene vivitis ignes.

Vivite inexstincti flammaque duxque precor."

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Aeneas was said to have preserved the fire of Vesta and brought her to Rome. 'Carmina' is opposed to 'prece' as a set formula to other prayers. Carmen' has that meaning in respect to legal or any other formal documents. Liv. i. 26: "Lex horrendi carminis." Epp. ii. 1. 138: Carmine Di superi placantur carmine Manes." 31. Nube candentes humeros amictus] So Homer describes him, eiuέvog pov vegiλŋv (Il. xv. 308). Virg. (Aen. viii. 720): "candentis lumine Phoebi."Candenti' is the reading of the Scholiasts and one or two old editions. Fea adopts it, and supposes the nubes' to be a nimbus' or 'glory' round about his head. But, as he goes out of his way to explain the appearance at the Transfiguration in the same manner, we need not attend to his suggestion. Graevius' notion that "nube candentes humeros amictus " has reference to the eclipse reckoned among the prodigies at Caesar's death is not worthy of him. But the fault is Bothe's, who edited Graevius' notes from marginal readings in his copy of Cruquius' edition not intended for publication.

33. Sive] See i. 3. 12. n. Erycina ridens' corresponds to φιλομμείδης ̓Αφροδίτη. "Iμepoc and "Epws were the two sons of Venus. Jocus' is an invention of Horace's. The reasons for appealing to Apollo as the stedfast friend of Troy, and, according to



his flatterers, the father of Augustus (not because he was Φοῖβος καθάρσιος as Duentzer says), Venus as the mother of Aeneas and of the Julian family, and Mars as the father of Romulus, are sufficiently obvious. Mercury is selected as the representative of Augustus, because he is the messenger of peace (Ovid Fast. v. 665): "Pacis et armorum superis imisque deorum Arbiter."

36. Respicis] Cic. (de Leg. ii. 11) proposes the title Fortuna respiciens,' which he explains by 'ad opem ferendam,' for a temple of Fortune.

ludo] see C. i. 28. 17: "Dant alios Furiae torvo spectacula Marti."

39. Mauri peditis] As the African troops were chiefly cavalry, and according to some writers distinguished rather for cowardice than bravery, Marsi has been substituted for Mauri by some editors, on the conjecture of Tanaquil Faber and against all the MSS. But other writers speak more highly of the Mauritanians; and the force of 'peditis,' which would have no force at all with Marsi, here appears to be that the rider has had his horse killed under him, or has dismounted to attack his enemy hand to hand, or in consequence of a wound. See S. ii. 1. 13: "Aut labentis equo describit vulnera Parthi." On foot the Roman cavalry routed the Hernicans (Liv. vii. 8), and Statorius had no difficulty in forming a very fine body of infantry out of the Numidian soldiers of Syphax (Liv. xxiv. 48). Why Horace should have selected a warrior of this race for his illustration may not be so easy to say. It has been conjectured that he took the idea from a painting. Bentley has caught up' Marsi' as "certissima emendatio." Dacier, the inventor's son-in-law, supports the reading with the assertion that he had seen it in some of the oldest editions. Bentley wishes he had access to those very rare editions, and is afraid this is only a dream that has come to the Frenchman 'per portam eburneam.'

41. juvenem] So Augustus is called

Sive mutata juvenem figura
Ales in terris imitaris, almae
Filius Maiae, patiens vocari
Caesaris ultor:

Serus in caelum redeas diuque
Laetus intersis populo Quirini;
Neve te nostris vitiis iniquum
Ocior aura

Tollat hic magnos potius triumphos,
Hic ames dici pater atque princeps,
Neu sinas Medos equitare inultos
Te duce, Caesar.

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'Juvenis' and 'adolescens' were used for any age between 'pueritia' and 'senectus.' Cicero speaks of himself as 'adolescens' at the time he put down Catiline's conspiracy, when he was forty-four years old, and as 'senex' when he delivered his 2nd Philippic, at which time he was sixty-two. "Defendi Rempublicam adolescens non deseram se(Phil. ii. 46). But the reader will find many examples in Forcellini, under the articles adolescens' and 'juvenis.'


43. patiens vocari] A Graecism. "Patiarque vel inconsultus haberi," Epp. i. 5. 15. "Cum pateris sapiens emendatusque vocari " (Epp. i. 16. 30).

44. Caesaris ultor:] Estré, a very diligent scholar and candid man, declares himself perfectly unable to account for this language of Horace. It confounds and disturbs he says all his notions of Horace's character (Prosop. p. 277). See Introduction to this ode. Alter' has been stupidly proposed to meet these objections.

45. Serus in caelum redeas] Ovid, Met. xv. 868, sq.:

"Tarda sit illa dies et nostro serior aevo
Qua caput Augustum quem temperat
orbe relicto
Accedat caelo."

See also Trist. v. 2. 47. The adjective for
the adverb is common in respect of time.
The instances in Horace are very nume-


46. populo Quirini;] Some MSS. have Quirino. But the genitive is the general reading, and corresponds more closely to the regular form 'populus Romanus Quiritium.'



49. triumphos,] Augustus had just celebrated, or was just about to celebrate, three triumphs on three successive days, for his victories (1) over the Pannonians and Dalmatians, (2) at Actium, and (3) at Alexandria. 'Triumphos' is governed by 'ames,' as pocula' is governed by 'spernit' (i. 1. 19); in both which cases we have an accuby the same verb. sative case and an infinitive mood governed

50. pater] The title of 'pater patriæ ' was not assumed by Augustus till A.U.C. 752. Ovid addresses him by that title, (Fast. ii. 127) :


"Sancte pater patriae, tibi plebs, tibi curia


Hoc dedit; hoc dedimus nos tibi nomen eques.

Res tamen ante dedit. Sero quoque vera tulisti

Nomina: jampridem tu pater orbis eras. Hoc tu per terras quod in aethere Jupiter alto

Nomen habes; hominum tu pater, ille

could be conferred on a citizen, and was
It was the highest title of honour that
first given by the Senate to Cicero (the
army had formerly bestowed it on Camil.
lus), on the occasion of his suppressing
Catiline's conspiracy. Juv. viii. 243 :—
"Roma parentem—,

Roma patrem patriae Ciceronem libera


where 'libera' seems to mean that the senate were no longer free agents when Augustus took the name. See C. iii. 24. 27, n.

princeps,] Tac. Ann. i. 1, "Cuncta discordiis civilibus fessa principis sub imperium accepit."

51. equitare inultos] See above, v. 21, n.


The date of this ode has been much discussed. It is the chronologists' stumbling-block. If it was written on the occasion of that voyage to Athens from which Virgil only returned to die, the date must be A.U.c. 735. How that interferes with the reckoning of Franke and others may be seen by referring to the introductory remarks to this edition. Franke however denies that this ode has reference to that voyage. He even thinks it doubtful whether it is addressed to Virgil the poet; and though he is in general very acute and judicious, his zeal for the theory he advocates ran away with his judgment when it led him to think that Quintilius, whose death is lamented in C. 24 of this book, is the person here addressed, and that perhaps he was drowned on the voyage, since it is clear, says he, from that ode that he met with an untimely and violent death. Coming from most other people this theory would not be worth mentioning. That it is the resort of an advocate in difficulty is clear on the face of it. He thinks these two odes are closely connected, though the link has been lost to us from the obscurity of the allusions, but he finds a trace of it in the words "Navis quae tibi creditum Debes" (v. 6 of this ode); and 24. 11, "Tu frustra pius heu! non ita creditum." There is no weight in this argument at all; nevertheless there is no certainty that the ode was written on the occasion supposed. Virgil may have made or contemplated a voyage before his last, and there is so much difficulty attending the date A.U.c. 735 that I am inclined to think such must have been the case. This leaves the date of the ode in uncertainty. Franke's best argument is that if the publication of these odes took place after Virgil's death, it must have been immediately or very soon after, even according to the chronology of Kirchner and others who are opposed to him; and that it would have been in the worst taste and feeling to have inserted this ode at such a time. There can be little doubt I think but he would have suppressed it, or accompanied it with one expressing his own and the universal sorrow. I cannot imagine a greater mockery than the insertion of an ode addressed to Virgil on the death of his friend, and an ode praying for his safe voyage, at a time when all Virgil's friends must have been bewailing his death, to which no allusion is made in any part of Horace's writings. This last fact would be accounted for if we supposed Virgil to have died during the time when Horace had almost if not entirely suspended this kind of writing. Franke's attempt to show that there was not that mutual affection between Virgil and Horace which would warrant the expressions in this ode is very weak. But others have affirmed the same because Virgil no where mentions Horace, and because he did not leave him his literary executor, but chose Varius and Tucca rather than Horace. But Virgil left his Aeneid not to be published but destroyed, and there is no reason why he should have chosen Horace for such a purpose. A man may have more friends than executors, and does not always give that office to those he loves best. As for the other argument, if the nature of Virgil's poems be considered, it is not worth noticing. Compare with this ode Statius'' Propempticon' to Metius Celer, a most noble and pleasant youth,' whom as he could not accompany he sent upon his way with a beautiful address, suggested partly it would seem by this of Horace (Sylv. iii. 2).


We commit to thee Virgil, O thou ship; deliver him safe on the shores of Attica, and preserve him whom I love as my life; and may the skies and winds prosper thee. Hard and rash was the man who first tempted the sea and defied the winds. In what shape should he fear the approach of death who unmoved could look on the monsters of the deep and the swelling waves and dangerous rocks? In vain did God separate lands if man is to leap over the forbidden waters. So doth he ever rush into sin. Prometheus brought fire into the world, and with that theft came all

manner of diseases; Daedalus soared on wings, and Hercules burst into Hell. Deterred by nothing we would climb Heaven itself, and our guilt suffers not Jove to lay aside his bolts.

SIC te diva potens Cypri,

Sic fratres Helenae lucida sidera,
Ventorumque regat pater,
Obstrictis aliis praeter Iapyga:
Navis, quae tibi creditum
Debes Virgilium finibus Atticis

1. Sic] The use of this word in this
place is by no means easily explained. It
is usual to explain it as expressing a wish
dependent on the accomplishment of a con-
dition. It would thus be so may the
winds favour you as you discharge the debt
you owe.'
But in order that the ship
should discharge her debt the winds must
be favourable, and to wish her a favourable
wind and pleasant voyage after she had de-
livered her freight, while without that con-
dition she could not deliver it at all, is non-
sense. Horace seems to mean this- I pray
thee, O ship, deliver up thy trust in safety,
and to that end may the stars and winds pros-
per thee.' In Virgil (Ecl. ix. 30) we have
Lycidas urging Moeris to recite him some
verses, and he says:-

"Sic tua Cyrneas fugiant examina taxos;

Sic cytiso pastae distendant ubera vaccae;
Incipe, si quid habes."

Here'sic' expresses an earnest and affection-
ate prayer for the person addressed, follow-
ed by an entreaty to him; but it cannot be

called a condition so much as a strong ex

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pression of feeling, and such I presume it to mean in the present instance, where it amounts to no more than utinam' in a strong form, as we does in Greek; the object of the wish being a means by which a desired end may be accomplished. There are other passages where 'sic' follows the prayer on which it depends, as C. i. 28. 25:

“Ne parce malignus arenae-parti

culam dare:

Sic quodcunque minabitur Eurusand Tibullus (ii. 5, 121):


Adnue; sic tibi sint intonsi, Phoebe, capilli."

In these places the condition and its consequence are clearly marked, and an opposite wish is implied if the condition be not


• Potens, like its kindred word πότνια, is used with a genitive after it. Venus


from her supposed origin was imagined to have power over the sea; hence Horace calls her 'marina' (C. iii. 26. 5; iv. 11. 15). She had the titles εὐπλοία, λιμένιας, had temples built for her in harbours, and is represented on coins with a rudder, shell, and dolphin. Ovid (Heroid. xvi. 23) makes Paris say of her :

"Illa dedit faciles somnos ventosque secundos ;

In mare nimirum jus habet orta mari ;" and Lucret. (i. 8) :


"Tibi rident aequora ponti,
Placatumque nitet diffuso lumine caelum."
Castor and Pollux had among other titles
that of ἀρωγόναυται. The appellation
'lucida sidera' is supposed to be derived
from certain meteoric appearances after
storms, which the ancients supposed to in-
dicate the presence of Castor and Pollux.
Similar phenomena are still called by the
Italian sailors the fire of St. Elmo, a cor-
ruption it is believed from Helena. Com-
pare Eurip. Helen. 1495, seqq. :—
μόλοιτέ ποθ' ἱππεῖον ἅρμα
δι' αἰθέρος ξέμενοι
παῖδες Τυνδαριδαι
λαμπρῶν ἄστρων ὑπ' ἀέλλαισιν
οἳ ναίετ ̓ οὐράνιοι.

ναύταις εὐαεῖς ἀνέμων
πέμποντες Διόθεν πνοάς.

See also Plin. N. H. ii. 37, and C. iv. 8. 31.

Aeolus is steward of the winds in Homer. (Odyss. x. 21), king in Virgil, and father here. The Iapygian or N.W. wind, so called from Iapygia in Apulia whence it blows down the Adriatic, and the usual name of which was Favonius, was favourable for a voyage from Brundusium, where Virgil would embark for Greece. It was called by the Greeks, ápykorns: Arist. de Mundo, c. 4: ἀργέστης ὁ ἀπὸ τῆς θερμῆς δύσεως ὅν τινες καλοῦσιν Ὀλυμπίαν οἱ δὲ Ἰάπυγα. 6. finibus Atticis] Orelli and Dillenbr.

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