ful to profess. As to many of the principal | ries of many other noblemen and gentlemen by points of personal morality the tone of both people is low; but in one great distinction, the Osmanlis have a most undoubted superiority the Christians, whether Greeks or Russians, seem to have no sense of or regard for truth, the Turks are honorable and

:

reliable in all their transactions.

whom I have been employed during the last brief sketch of the process employed. Formerly thirty years. It now only remains to give a I made an accurate tracing from the original leaf, and afterwards retraced it on to the inlaid leaf by means of a paper blackened on one side; this produced an outline lettered page, which, by being gone over carefully and imitating the original, produced the desired leaf. This process was found to take up much time, and was consequently expensive, but it was the method I

The not very brilliant success of the one kingdom, which has been already established by the dismemberment of the Ottoman Em-adopted while employed by Mr. Whittaker; and pire, has scarcely been of a nature to encourage as to further experiments of that nature. Greece has now had an independent existence of twenty years under the guarantee and guardianship of the Great Powers; yet what internal improvements have marked her course? what prosperity has accrued from her independence? what worth or honesty has signalized her dealings with foreigners even with her benefactors? Little enough, as we all know, to our cost. It may well be that the Turkish Power is not destined to a perpetual duration; but at least let her not be cut short while she is actually struggling for improvement and civilization at least let her be maintained till she can be super-present time have recourse to my own.' seded by something indisputably better. Reports of the Great Exhibition.

So much for the morality and higher considerations involved in the case: the question of mere policy and expediency must be discussed separately.

he, to carry out the deception still further, had two sets of tools cut of the large and small letters generally used by Caxton, with which he has often been at the trouble to go over the pages after my work was done, to give the appearance terwards adopted by me was to make the tracing of the indentation of the type. The process afin a soft ink, to transfer the same to a thin paper, and to re-transfer on to the intended leaf; by this means I saved one third, or one tracing of the work, which was a great saving both in some years, but I have within the last ten or time and expense. I pursued this process for twelve years had recourse to lithography, producing the tracing on to the stone, and finishing up the letters on to the same; this has been bene wanted; but I occasionally find even this process ficial, particularly when more than one copy was irksome and uncertain, and frequently at this

- Jury

-The Times says:

DECIMAL CURRENCY. "The Liverpool Chamber of Commerce have issued a Report on Decimal Currency by a Committee of their own body appointed to consider a variety of plans submitted to them on the subject. After referring to the great advantage that would be derived by the community at large from the introduction of the decimal system, they submit two methods either of which could easily be adopted, inasmuch as they would interfere only in a very slight degree with the present arrangements and values. Circulars have been forwarded to the President of the Board of Trade, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, and the Governor of the Bank of England with the hope that the matter may be taken up

* *

FAC-SIMILES OF OLD BOOKS. Mr. Harris so well known for his extraordinary productions of fac-similes of old books, restoration of defective leaves, &c., favored the jury of the Great Exhibition with the following description of the means he employs: "It was about the year 1815 that I was first employed by the late Mr. John Whittaker of Westminster, an eminent bookbinder of that period; and I believe the idea of having ancient books of the early printers, &c., perfected by fac-similes, was first suggested to him by the late Earl Spencer, for whom many books were so done; and numerous specimens The aversion of the idle and ignorant to are preserved of some of the rarest productions being forced to conform to any improvement of the press in the library at Althorpe. Speci- that would require even but a few hours' thought mens are also to be seen in the King's Library, is such that the change could not be made withwhich were done in the lifetime of George the out an outcry, although all the intelligent classes Third, the art of imitation by fac-similes being might desire it, and it could likewise be demonpatronized by him, also by the late Earl Fitz- strated to be beneficial to everybody. After william, the Hon. T. Grenville, and many others. its adoption, and the consequent compulsion to I continued to work for Mr. Whittaker till about conform to it, even its opponents in a few weeks 1820, when I was sent for by Lord Spencer, for would be astonished how they could ever have whom I completed a Pentateuch in Hebrew and gone on in the old way. But this ordeal would Chaldee, and several other works; also I was have to be met; and none but a minister who, employed by the late Mr. Grenville, in whose recognizing a great national object to be gained, library are numerous specimens of various works could withstand a month or two of noisy comcompleted by me, as there are also in the libra-plaint, would ever be likely to undertake it.”

arms the liberties bequeathed to them from their fathers, and confirmed by their kings. Omer Pasha treats with kindness men who have revolted with the intention not only of gaining their own freedom, but of conspiring against the safety of the empire itself. When within reach of victory, the Turk offers peace, religious liberty, and the freest political action. The Christian refused to treat with rebels ;" and, when victorious with others' arms, he robbed the country of every right it had possessed, and every privilege his ancestors had sworn to maintain.

Let us beware, then, how we grant our sympathies in such a cause or to such advocates. Because a horde of robbers and murderers, excited by the love of plunder and the promise of support, descend from their mountains and surprise a fort or plunder a village, do not let us fancy that the Turkish empire must fall before them. Because those liberal and tolerant sovereigns, the Emperor of Russia, the Pope, and the Emperor of Austria, have expressed their sympathy for their suffering brethren "in partibus infidelibus," do not let us at once conclude that the Turks have departed from their usual policy of religious toleration.

saying these things, he has authenticated the essential parts of the information already before the public, and has given an official stamp to the usual anticipations on the subject. This authentic information is very important, in telling us what we have to expect, and thus relieving us from distracting our attention with useless calculations having no basis in probability. Meanwhile, Lord John Russell, though speaking in very noderate language, has placed this country in a position intelligible and firm.

Lord Palmerston has not been equally frank on the subject of the demands emanating from Austria, France, and Prussia, calling upon Queen Victoria's government to exercise some kind of compulsion or control over the movements of foreign refugees residing in England. In reply to Lord Dudley Stuart, Lord Palmerston said that "no such communications had been received:" a statement which may be literally true, but it is one by no means incompatible with the previous, reiterated, and uncontradicted statement of the Times, that such demands were to be made by Austria, and that the other powers were to join in a note upon the subject. Lord Dudley Stuart may have erred in the matter of dates or otherwise, and thus saved Lord Palmerston from that which diplomacy abhors, a direct answer. But Lord Palmerston did not scruple to declare what this government would do if such demands were made it would refuse compliance. The British government will enforce the law against any who shall attempt to break it, whether British or foreign subjects, but it will not give up the refuge which it has afforded to political unfortunates.

From the Spectator, 5th March. THE course of events on the Continent is such that our ministers have been obliged to take a distinct position, and to declare that position in Parliament. Foreign relations have thus become, if not the most important, at least the prominent and stirring event of the week within the walls of the Legislature. The whole question of " the balance of power" was raised by Lord Dudley Stuart, in moving for copies of the communications between the Ministers have had to maintain their posigovernments of Austria and Turkey on the tion in colonial affairs against a rally of the subject of Montenegro. Lord John Russell Tory party, headed by Lord Derby; who encourteously declined to give the papers, but deavored to show that the relinquishment of very frankly stated the actual position of this the Clergy Reserves to the Canadian Legislacountry in the matter. The almost local dis-ture was an abandonment of trust in the impepute raised by the people of Montenegro, in rial government towards the Protestant Estabstretching the independence that they have lished Churches. If Lord Derby were able to enjoyed upon sufferance, has called in ques- attain any success at all, which we doubt, it tion the tenure of the Turkish government in can only be in embarrassing the government. regard to its own Christian subjects and the That he can arrest the transfer of authority great Christian states conterminous with its on local affairs from the imperial government territory; and while Lord John Russell in- to the colonial government, is impossible; forms us that the immediate dispute has been for that transfer is registered in the decrees hushed up for the time, in great part through of fate, and it only awaits final fulfilment. the good offices of this country to maintain That he can sustain the Church of England in the status quo, he holds out no hope of main- Canada by the will of the imperial governtaining it for long. The interest of this coun-ment, and by compulsory exactions from the try requires that we should maintain the status quo, while our honor forbids that we should share in any partition; the fall of the Turkish rule through its inherent weakness is imminent; and Lord John cannot conceive a readjustment of the Turkish territory without the greatest chance of an European war. In

inhabitants, is a still wilder dream: any attempt of the sort could only draw upon Lord Derby's own Church a truly American hatred, and would combine the colonists for the destruction of it as an alien monopolist. It is only through freedom and equality, and consequent absence of the motives to ill-will, that

any Church, whether of England or Scotland, can maintain its stand in Canada amongst other persuasions, as in the United States. Lord Derby could but sacrifice the church of his creed to a canting manoeuvre and an antiministerial success.

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The newest news from abroad once more

po

that there should be any "question" with a great ally about such trumpery things as this King of the Swamp and all its vermin.

THE MUTUAL DISARMAMENT MISSION.

On the 26th of February, a deputation from the Peace Conference waited upon Lord Aberdirects attention to " Gery's folly," the illus- deen and presented to him a memorial agreed trious "kingdom of Mosquitia;" for the new-to at the meeting recently held at Manches est events on the European Continent belong ter. Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Cobden, Mr. to a familiar series. Louis Napoleon is Hume, and Mr. Samuel Gurney, addressed warning" the ingenious journalists who the premier in support of the memorial; manage to discuss him in metaphors. Paris which, citing former speeches by Lord Aberand Vienna are gossiping over the sturdy Eng- deen and Sir Robert Peel against the rivalry lish articles in the Times declaring that of states in augmenting their forces, recomlitical refugees will not be given up. The mended the intervention of diplomacy to ef Emperor Francis Joseph is getting better and fect a pro rata reduction of armaments on the his wound is healing; yet anxiety for his part of England and France. According to a health evidently increases, and an" alter ego" report which appeared to have been furnished is allotted to him to perform some of his auto- to several journals at once, Lord Aberdeen cratic functions. At Milan, Radetzky is fol- said he had never met any deputation with lowing up punishment and fines with whole- whose objects he more completely agreedsale confiscations. And the Turks are fighting while negotiations proceed. But there is no decided turn in the course of affairs save that already noted in Parliament.

General Cathcart has achieved another damaging victory over the border Blacks of the Cape; and a revolution in Ava has secured General Godwin a holyday.

The true variety for the season is this new question about the empire of the Midge Monarch in the swamps of Central America. England proposes to the United States to abandon the British protectorate, and leave Greytown as a free city, with a neutrality guaranteed by both powers. How far Greytown is in itself competent for such a post, we may judge by the facts. The natives are a wretched mongrel set of Indians, degenerated rather than ennobled by a stray infusion of Spanish and perhaps Negro blood. They dispute a boundary with the American-Spanish state of Nicaragua. The Warwick who set up the king was a Mr. Patrick Walker, secretary or clerk, years back, under the Superintendent of Honduras, who obtained the patronage of Sir Charles Grey and Lord Grey. The king is a cipher in his own capital: his port regulations are administered by a nominee of the English consul or resident; his internal government is administered by a council of five, elected by the inhabitants-the five councillors being Americans. Here are elements for an American Hamburg! If the government at Washington should agree to the independence" of Greytown, probably it would be with the recollection that Texas was made" independent" as a preliminary to her joining the Union: but imagine Mosquitia as a "state" represented in the star-spangled banner! It is derogatory to our government

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No one could more earnestly, he might say more passionately, desire the attainment of these objects as a security for the peace of Europe, than he did; and he believed that by no other means could any government more effectually promote the happiness of mankind and bring real glory to this nation. These opinions he had not adopted recently. They had often formed the eminent friend, Sir Robert Peel; but at that subject of discussion ten years ago with his late period the state of Europe was perhaps more favorable than it now is for carrying out the plans proposed. Admitting, as he had done, the duty of the government, they must consider the subject in a practical point of view. Strongly desiring the attainment of this most important object, they must look at the measures of a practical nature by which it must be carried out. First, there was the influence of their own example; and he might say, on this point, that the military measures into which the government had entered (whether those measures were right fence; and he thought they were not inconsistent or wrong) were entirely on the principle of dewith his views formerly expressed in Parliament. What he meant to say was, that if a country kept an army of 300,000 or 400,000 men, there was great danger lest they might be disposed to indulge the taste in which such forces originated. But the arrangements here were not at all of an aggressive character. There had existed in the country, as had been remarked, a strong feeling of alarm, and had the government desired it they might easily have availed themselves of this feeling and have greatly increased the armaments. But, whatever difference of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of the measures adopted-and they were fairly open to criticism—their sincere desire had been to do nothing more than was necessary, according to the opinion of competent judges in such matters. He admitted that the danger of aggression had been enormously exaggerated; yet he thought that a great country

like ours ought not to be left at the mercy of even | Emperor Napoleon could assure us that the the most pacific nation. With respect to the reduction had really been made. Are we to definite measure proposed by the deputation, he take him at his word, or are we to appoint doubted whether, in the present state of Europe, English commissioners to visit the dockyards, such proposals would be listened to as favorably barracks, and camps of France, for the puras they might have been ten years ago; but he again assured the deputation, that, whether their pose of ascertaining the reduction? We can object was attained or not, it would not be for scarcely expect that the latter process would the want of an inclination on his part to promote be permitted by the French government; so it. He would keep the subject constantly in view, that we must reduce our own establishments and no one could more earnestly desire so happy on the faith of Emperor Napoleon's word. a result than himself. Mr. Cobden "thought it would allay all the irritation, if it were publicly known that the two governments were in friendly communication on the subject." He states that he

As Lord Aberdeen has seen fit to entertain the proposition laid before him by the deputa-is in constant communication with parties tion from the Peace Conference lately assembled at Manchester, and more particularly as he has departed from the usual ministerial reserve in using language calculated to raise hopes on the part of those very sanguine persons, it may have become worth while to Consider what would be the effect of their proposition if it were carried out.

in France in whom he has the most implicit confidence, and he is satisfied that there is no foundation for the fear of aggression from that country; but if the government were to enter into diplomatic relations with France, they would be in a position to contradict such alarming rumors authoritatively." So says Mr. Cobden; who must possess very peculiar The proposition formally conveyed to Lord notions on the subject of guarantees, and cerAberdeen by Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Cobden, tainly few would be so easily satisfied as he and other exclusive friends of peace, is that professes to be. In the first place, we ought he should "invite the various governments of to know who are the "parties" with whom Europe to enter simultaneously upon a he is in constant correspondence, and whether reduction of those oppressive military estab- they speak on authority or not. Even, howlishments;" and Lord Aberdeen declares, ever, if we had the highest authority, that of that "if their object were not attained it the emperor himself, it would little avail us. would not be for the want of any inclination on Ought we to rely upon the continuance of his part to promote it." We do not indeed peace because Louis Napoleon is to assure us understand Lord Aberdeen to have conveyed that he has no intention of committing warthe slightest hint that while he applauded the after we have seen him subvert by a midnight object, the disarmament, he accepted the conspiracy a constitution which he had sworn means, the mission; but to avow so marked a to maintain, and which, but a few hours sympathy with the object, to listen to the before, he declared himself pledged to maincitation of his own words painfully resembling tain? Upon the self-same assurance, Mr. the new project, and not at the same time to Cobden ought to have relied for the maintenmeet the impracticable proposal by an un-ance of the republic in France; and if he can equivocal dissent, was, we make free to think, an official indiscretion. Now, let us suppose him promoting it, and proceeding at once to our nearest neighbor, who possesses an army of more than three hundred thousand men, with a transport fleet in the highest state of efficiency for immediate embarkation and transhipment. Let us suppose Lord Aberdeen going to the Emperor Napoleon III. and asking him to reduce that oppressive military establishment. To take a very favorable case, we might suppose that his imperial majesty would reply by declaring that nothing was more near his heart, and that he would at once proceed with the proposed reduction our British forces of course to be reduced pari passu. Evidently, we could not ask him to reduce without doing as much ourselves; and supposing that he took off a hundred thousand men from his army, we of course must do no less. But then arise important questions. The first is, how the

have seen that republic subverted, and still rely upon the same assurance from the same lips, he must possess a degree of credulity unknown to the most simple of his countrymen. The assurances of Napoleon are to be considered ominous, not auspicious.

If Louis Napoleon were perfectly sincere, his answer most likely would be, not that he would reduce his establishment, but that, if he were as much inclined to do so as Lord Aberdeen himself, he would be unable. He might say-"I have no intention of attacking England: but I have Algiers to maintain; I have French interests to support in the Eastern Mediterranean; I have, if not to conquer the frontier of the Rhine, to defend the integrity of France at her present boundary; I have my throne to uphold, and the people have not yet acquired so much knowledge of the benefit which my reign is to bring that I can calculate upon my throne without an army." This would be a reasonable reply