go on to say: "We might multiply instances to show that Murphy treated the official patronage in the New York Customhouse as so much merchandise to be bestowed and sold in what he might choose to regard as the interest of his political party." But Murphy could say in reply that he took the institution as he found it, and was only carrying out an ancient, if not honorable custom. It may have been his business to reform it, but usage is everything in this world, and usage doubtless taught him to believe that to separate the Custom-house from politics is contrary to nature.

If now we turn to the investigation under collector Arthur, we find most certainly some improvement on the old order of things, but much which is a continuation of it, and which, if not reformed altogether, may easily become as bad. Here we read the old story of political assessments; that one man for the last twelve years has paid sums amounting to $100, $200, and $300, that he contributed $300 to the Connecticut political fund; that under the present system the officers who are appointed through political influence are expected to make their offices contribute to the support of the party; and that most of the officials thus assessed accede to the demand, some of them repairing their diminished salaries by exacting or accepting from the merchants unlawful gratuities. Here we read of clerks receiving three or four hundred dollars in fees besides their salaries; of weighers who are never seen on the docks, while their assistants come late, leave early, and read the papers; of men who are deficient in a proper attention to business, as well as in business qualifications and character; while other men are more or less employed in private business to the possible detriment, in some cases, of the interests in the service. As one result of the investigation the Committee thought there should be a reduction of the Custom-house force twenty per cent, causing an annual saving to the Government of $319,000.

Here, then, putting all these investigations together, is an astonishing state of things. Periodically the New York Customhouse is gone through with as though this operation were required by an article of the Constitution. Committees, more or less partizan, of course, are appointed by Congress, the unwilling

witnesses of the Custom-house are called on to testify, a vast amount of evidence is taken, majority and minority reports are made, of which two or three thousand copies are ordered to be printed, a great deal of excellent advice is given, while, perhaps, a collector and a few subordinates lose their places or hold them by being put upon their good behavior. Here, for instance, in less than twelve years have been three investigations into a vicious condition of things which the Republican party ought to have extirpated as far as possible from the moment they came into power. And yet in the face of these investigations, and what with the precedent of more than eighteen hundred removals since 1866, what is to hinder the Democrats, should they succeed at the next election, from clearing out the whole Customhouse force, and returning to the disgraceful days of Swartwout, Hoyt, and Jayne.

Are we forced to conclude, then, that neither party has really wished to reform the abuses of the Custom-house; that though each wanted the officials of the other to attend strictly to the business of the government, they yet expected their own officials to use the Custom-house in the interests of the party to which they belonged. This is the real secret of a powerful opposition in the Republican party to the present efforts at reform, and from the first it has been so far evident that the Custom-house authorities are half-hearted in the matter, that, as the final result of the Jay Commission, it is pretty much decided to have them removed, and institute reform in head and members. At any rate, no administration could undertake a worthier task than to break up, so far as a single administration can break up, that unnatural alliance of forty years standing which at times has well nigh embraced the whole Custom-house force, and corrupted the entire institution. Of course they will say you cannot separate the Custom-house from politics; as if the United States must hand over an institution for collecting the revenues of the country to be managed by the politicians, and everlastingly go through this farce of investigations; as if, in fact, a condition of things which would be thrice ruinous to any private concern must be endured forever by a great human government.

There is good reason to believe, however, that the administration is not going to succumb so easily. Thus far there may have been something more of promise than performance, and they only can understand a difficulty like this who have tried to remove it. Certainly, there is a high degree of expectation that President Hayes will leave this Custom-house business a great deal better than he found it, and that he is preparing the way for a reform as "thorough, radical, and complete" as in this degenerate world we can well hope for. So far, at least, as he tries to equal his pledges he can rest assured of the sympathy and coöperation of the people, which are, in fact, the guarantee of ultimate success.

ARTICLE IX.-NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.

PROTECTION IN THE UNITED STATES.*-This volume contains the lectures originally delivered before the International Free Trade Alliance of New York by Prof. Sumner of Yale College in the spring of 1876. The author seeks to show by the history of the protective legislation of the United States, which he claims to have been framed in ignorance of its effects, and to have been frequently changed without any conception of the public interest, that such legislation tends to diminish national production.

In the first lecture he argues that as trade is absolutely free between the States of the Union with the best possible results, the same good results would follow were trade free between the United States and other countries. This, he says, is the true American system. Texas was won from Mexico, and when

admitted into the Union was open to trade to the other States of the Union, while Mexico, of which it had been a part, remained under the former restrictions. A citizen of Vermont can trade freely with New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and New York, "but if he wants to trade northward to Canada, it is regarded as fatal to him and to his country that he should do so freely."

In the second lecture he discusses the theory that the legislature of a State can direct and regulate the business of the citizens better than they can do it themselves, claiming it to be an American principle that no man shall obtain by law any advantage from traditional or fictitious privileges. He denies that taxation can ever be a productive force. This denial he enforces with great acumen and power, and illustrates in various ways. The arguments in these introductory chapters are not new, but are urged with much strength and ability.

The remainder of the volume is devoted to the history of tariff legislation in the United States. Beginning with the statement that "the war of American Independence was a revolt against unjust taxation, he speaks somewhat cursorily of the attempts

Lectures on the History of Protection in the United States, delivered before the International Free-Trade Alliance. By W. G. SUMNER, Professor in Yale College. Reprinted from "The New Century." Published for the International Free Trade Alliance by G. P. Putnam's Sons, 182 Fifth Avenue, New York. 1877.

during the period of the Revolution to make treaties of commerce with other nations, and then more at length of the discussions in the constitutional conventions. He speaks of the legislation at that time as illustrating all subsequent tariff legislation in this country, and as "a grand grab struggle between interests and sections." He criticizes at some length the report on manufactures made in December, 1791, by Alexander Hamilton, to whose good faith and philosophical spirit he pays tribute.

He traces the establishment of protection in this country during the early part of this century, and sketches the commercial legislation during the Napoleonic wars and down to the close of the war with Great Britain, and gives the history of the tariff of 1816, remarking that down to 1832 tariff laws were passed in every presidential year except one. The tariff bill of 1824 comes in for a thorough examination, as does the bill of 1828. Following the history down to the present time, he concludes with several deductions.

1st. This notion that there is some means to increase, by an adjustment of taxes, the wealth of a country, has had a very full trial amongst us. It was inherited from older countries; it was hostile to all the beliefs and habits of thought of the American people and totally incongruous with our social and political system. The Americans adopted the notion, that they could get certain industries started, which would then go alone and become independent sources of wealth. "But instead of strong, independent industries, we have to-day only a hungry and clamorous crowd of infants."

2d. This continual law making about industry has been prolific of industrial and political mischief. It has tainted our political life with log-rolling, presidential wire-pulling, lobbying, and custom-house politics.

The book well sustains its author's reputation, but must be read to be appreciated. No sketch like that we have attempted can do it justice.

ESSAYS ON POLITICAL ECONOMY.*-The interest newly awakened in the questions of Political Economy has led Mr. David A. Wells to publish some selected essays from the writings of F. Bastiat,

Essays on Political Economy. By FREDERICK BASTIAT. English Translation, revised, with notes. By David A. Wells. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 182 Fifth avenue. 1877.