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we profess not to have any other view, in thus entering occasionally into politics, than that of supplying our readers, and especially our country friends, with somewhat more ample means of forming their own judgment, than they probably might possess, if they were limited to that accidental and partial kind of political intelligence which is to be obtained from the common newspapers, It has been said, if we recollect right, by Locke, that there are two things which every man should understand his religion, and his particular profession. There is, however, a third subject with which Englishmen should be in some degree conversant, that of politics, since there is scarcely one of us who, either by the exercise of the elective franchise, or in some other mode, has not a political duty to fulfil; and as we profess to make both doctrinal and practical religion the subject of our pages, we are desirous of contributing, as much as is in our power, to a conscientious performance of that part of every man's moral duty which regards the state.

The motive which we conceive to have influenced ministers in determining on a dissolution of the ParJiament, was a fear lest, if they should delay it, they should not enjoy that option, as to the time, which they deemed it desirable to have, with a view both to their own and to the public interest. The late Parliament would have died a natural death in the spring of 1814; if, therefore, it should have continued till the beginning of 1913, it must have sat through the first six months of that year, and then a dissolution almost exactly in the autumn of the same year would have been nearly unavoidable. Possibly some events might arise at the period in question, which, by exciting a popular feeling against the government,might render that season particularly unpropitious. Was it or was it not constitutional to act on a motive of this description in the case in question? We incline CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 131.

to think it was; though we are somewhat jealous of the principle on which administrations are too apt to proceed, that of identifying the preservation of their own power with the good of the state. It must be admitted, that it is a general object of the British Constitution to counteract, through the exercise of the royal prerogative, that disposition to change which is ever found among the lower orders. The legislature of America expires at a definite time. That of England has the thread of its life cut short whenever the king pleases; and thus he is enabled to counteract certain tendencies, both of the people themselves and of the representatives whom they may have chosen. The privilege of dissolving is a weight added to the side of monarchy, which contributes to keep the balance of the several powers of the state more even.

The elections are understood to have been, on the whole, favourable to Government; but we shall have to qualify this observation before we conclude our remarks. The opposition party, in which we do not include the few members who are favourable to Sir Francis Burdett, appear to have made little struggle. Probably the low state of many individual purses, the diminished expectation of seeing that party in power, together with an apprehension of another election at no distant time-for that event must be the result of the king's death-may have contributed to the general quietness of the country, full as much as the want of a strong party spirit. We are of opinion, however, that the points now in dispute between the regular oppositionists and the ministry are reduced to dimensions more than ordinarily narrow. This has been one consequence of the weakness of government: they have in part adopted the suggestions of their adversaries; and the question between the two bodies is therefore become more than ever a controversy respecting men rather than measures. We un

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derstand that the opposition consider themselves to be nearly as strong a phalanx as before, but they are perhaps sanguine in their calculations, There is a great but inert mass of persons in this country, who are disposed from principle generally to favour government. We take this to be partly a consequence of the violence so long manifested by Mr. Fox and his associates, as well as by the still more democratic party which has lately risen up among us. Many sober persons, especially those at a distance from the metropolis, have felt alarm at the growth of the spirit of faction, and have thrown their weight into the scale of government through terror of the consequences of the prevalence of the new reformers. The influence of the Crown has operated materially on the same side. Moreover, the difficulties of the nation are manifestly such as to make any course of policy, which might be pursued, somewhat dubious; and multitudes, as we believe, have sayed themselves the trouble of thinking very closely, on the questions which divide the ministry and the opposition, and have favoured the former on the ground of general confidence. Even the Catholic question does not seem to have excited any eager controversy, though it has much occupied the thoughts of some very conscientious individuals. On the whole, then, the Government, we apprehend, has gained by the late elections, but under circumstances which remain to be explained, and are somewhat embarrassing to them.

The individual who has lately been most exhibited on the public stage, and has excited the most general curiosity and interest, is Mr. Canning; a personage by the contemplation of whose character, and by a familiar acquaintance with whose history during the last few months, we may learn much of the nature and genius of the British Constitution. This gentleman, who is neither connected by birth with the great families of this country,

nor possessed of considerable hereditary fortune, had already risen to a degree of eminence in the state which was second only to that of prime minister, through the influence merely of his talents, and especially through his credit as a parliamentary speaker. In early life, though familiar with some leading persons of the opposition, he attached himself to Mr. Pitt, in whose school he still glories that he im bibed his political principles. He unites with his extraordinary parts a lively and playful imagination, a classical taste, and manners which are peculiarly gentlemanly. To these qualities he superadds much of the dignity of a statesman; and he appeared, till lately, to be one who moved in too high or too select a circle to condescend to the scuffle and competition of a common popular election. Having, however, been invited to Liverpool, by some leading individuals, who prudently con sidered that they could not find a more powerful opponent to Mr. Brougham than a person of such extraordinary parts and eminence, he cautiously, and yet manfully, accepted the invitation; threw down the gauntlet to the supposed favourite of the people; and proceeded to measure his strength with that of his confident, and already as some thought victorious, adversary. Mr. Brougham is a man of talents so considerable, of knowledge so extensive, and of eloquence so prompt and powerful, that the contest could not fail to be strong and serious. He had been the means of overthrowing the Orders in Council, which were affirmed to have half ruined Liverpool; and he now united under his standard those who thought themselves aggrieved by that measure, as well as the regular opposition interest, together with that of the more democratic party. His individual cause is said, however, to have been hurt by his being joined with a gentleman much less popular than himself, and equally unconnected with Liverpool. Both Mr.Canning and Mr.Brougham

had been warm advocates for the abolition of the Slave Trade; but the latter had signalized himself by much voluntary zeal, and patient and persevering industry, in that philanthropic cause. We are willing to hope that he did not suffer, on the whole, any more than his adversary, by the part which he had here taken.

The contest seemed to involve the great question of the comparative popularity of the two great parties in the state, and as such it was treated by Mr. Canning. The issue has proved more favourable to him than could have been expected; for he has not only carried his own election by a decisive majority, but has been also able to impart aid to a candidate on the side of government, who is returned as bis colleague. The eclat which has attended Mr. Canning, both at Liverpool and in his triumphant progress home, however different from that respect which is sometimes paid to talents exhibited only in some select assembly, has added some importance to his name, and has probably given him new strength in his character of candidate for power, and leader of a party in Parliament. It is not long since a negotiation for his admission into power took place between him and Lord Castlereagh, which is understood to have been broken off on the ground of neither party being satisfied with the degree of general ascendancy which the other aspired to possess in the House of Commons. Thus it was not office; it was not emolument, that was the subject of disputation; it was not principles of government: it was simply importance in the House of Commons. This is a possession which no king can give, and which no minister can long deny to those whom the public voice of the House points out as fittest for the enjoyment of it. The circumstances which we have thus briefly pointed out, tend remarkably to shew how popular at this time is the British Constitution,

and how elective,we had almost said, is the office of him who acts the part of either prime minister, or of the representative of the prime minister in the lower House of Parliament.

But it is not at Liverpool alone that the popular interest, as it has been somewhat presumptuously called, has proved itself to be weak. In. London as well as Southwark, in Bristol, in the county of Essex, in Berkshire, in Hampshire, very decisive proof has been given that they who carry to any great extreme' the principles of modern reform, do not speak that voice of the people of which they claim to be the only organs. It is ascertained beyond all contradiction, that the good English constitution, which consists of King, Lords, and Commons, and which allows of the co-existence, in each branch of the legislature, of some portion of the monarchical, aristocratical, and popular spirit, is far more acceptable to the great mass of the nation than that species of liberty, so nearly allied to the French rights of man, which some ardent spirits are continually inclining to substitute for it. The kingly power indeed has not lately been attacked as it was by Thomas Paine; but the result of those endeavours which are made to place the whole weight of political power in the hands of the lower orders, would not fail, in the result, to overthrow both the mo narchy and the aristocracy. The respect which is now professed by the violent reformers to royal prerogative, would only prove temporary, it a thoroughly democratic House of Commons should be established. If we had a republican body of representatives, we should soon have, instead of the present Peers, an elective House of Lords; and instead of our hereditary monarch, a sort of American president. What would be the final result we do not presume to say. We affirm merely that we should have taken leave of the British Constitution.

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The Right Honourable Charles Abbot has been re-elected Speaker of the House of Commons.

The Earl of Moira is appointed Governor

General of India, in the room of Lord
Minto. Sir George Barlow, the Governor of
Madras, has been recalled.

ANSWERS TO CORRESPONDENTS.

E. X.; H. B.; Aλxeivos; A.D.; are under consideration.

We are much obliged to FIDELIS for his paper, which he will perceive was anticipated, as was also that of CANDIDUS.

THE BOOK OF HOMILIES; JAMES; and AN ANTICHOROBAPTIST, will be inserted.
We beg to refer O. G., for a reply to part of his remarks on Job, to James v. 11.

We have received several communications, complaining of the manner in which our work is conducted. One man complains that latterly the pieces are far too long, and thinks he shall give it up. If, however, the length of the pieces be the only objection which can be made to them, we are not inclined to give much weight to the objection. We are of opinion that one of the evils of the present day is an indisposition to mental exertion. Men, and women too, wish to have their indolence relieved, and their languor excited, by the lightness and endless variety of subjects that pass before them. A novel, indeed, though long, may be endured; but a grave, or what they call a dry, discussion of a moral or philosophical subject, excites immediate disgust. Morals and philosophy must be taught, if taught at all, by a biographical sketch, an anecdote, a scrap of poetry so called. Now if we wrote for children, we might think it right to forego much deep or lengthened discussion: but writing for men and women, and particularly for clergymen, and young men about to become clergymen, we cannot consent to foster in them a listlessness and vacuity of thought, but must continue to impose on them the necessity of exercising their intellectual powers. We do not, for our parts, eagerly court the suffrages of those readers who are fatigued by an essay of seven or eight pages, or who stand aghast at a review, admitted to be able, on some important points of philosophy, literature, or theology, of twice or thrice that length. In short, we write not for those who wish to kill time by that kind of light reading which lays no burthen on the inind, but for those who are desirous of improving and strengthening their understandings, while they "grow in grace and in the knowledge of Jesus Christ."

Another Correspondent advises us to discontinue our Family Sermons, as they are not generally acceptable, and as good sermons abound and overflow. We now learn for the first time that good family sermons abound and overflow; and we will thank our correspondent to point them out to us. But whether good family sermons abound or not, we can truly say that there is no department of our work which has been more generally commended than this, and with which we have had more encouragement to proceed. We are also told, that "we are very sparing of poetry." Not so: not we, but our correspondents, are sparing of poetry. We insert all we receive that has any title to be so designated. But being no poets ourselves, we cannot create a stock of the article when it happens to be called for, but must depend on the contributions of others. We have rhymes enough sent to us, we admit; but none, we believe, for the insertion of which our correspondent would thank us, that have not been already inserted.

POSTCRIPT.

Dispatches have this day (27th November) been received from General Prevost,announcing the defeat of the American army, on the 18th October, in a second attempt to invade Upper Canada. The invading body consisted of about 1500 men, worth), 900 men, a piece of cannon, and a stand of colours, were taken, and the remainThe General (Wadsder either killed or wounded. General Brock, and his Aid-de-Camp, Colonel Macdonell, were killed at the beginning of the action; our loss in other respects is stated to be trifling. Teyoninhokarawen, better known by the name of Norton, who visited this country a few years ago, and translated the Gospel of St. John into the Mohawk language, greatly distinguished himself at the head of his Meliawk warriors. He was wounded, but not badly.

THE

CHRISTIAN OBSERVER.

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DECEMBER, 1812. [No. 12. Vol. XI.

RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATIONS.

To the Editor of the Christian Observer, HAVE been much gratified by perusing the Life of the late Rev. Dr. Leechman, Principal of the Col lege of Glasgow, written by the Rev. Dr. Wodrow, the editor of his Sermons, published in 1789. The following abridgment will, I hope, be interesting to your readers. Yours, &c.

A COUNTRY VICAR.

William Leechman was born in the year 1706. He was the son of a farmer in the parish of Dolphinton in Lanarkshire, where he received the early part of his education. He was removed from thence to the University of Edinburgh,where he distinguish ed himself by his proficiency in every branch of literature, and where he completed his education. He began his theological studies in 1724. While he was a student in divinity, he was recommended as a proper person to superintend the education of a young gentleman in Renfrew shire, Mr. Mure of Caldwell, and was introduced into that respectable family in 1727. His pupil was very promising, both in point of abilities and amiable dispositions, and lived fully to answer the expecta tions of his tutor. Mr. Mure, after having represented his native county with great credit in several successive Parliaments, afterwards filled, with reputation, some of the first offices in Scotland. As a country gentleman, he was intelligent, active, and exemplary: he was a zealous supporter of all schemes of public utility; and both in public and private life, his conduct was uniformly amiable and honourable.

CHRIST. OBSERV. No. 132.

The family of Caldwell lived during the winter months at Glasgow; which afforded Mr. Leechman an opportunity of attending the lectures of several of the professors in that seminary.

About the beginning of the year 1731, Mr. Leechman offered himself to the presbytery of Paisley, as a candidate for the sacred ministry; and after having performed the various exercises prescribed to him, and undergone the examination usual on such occasions, with the entire approbation of that reverend body, he obtained a licence to preach the Gospel in the month of October. He continued, what is called in the Church of Scotland, a probationer, without any prospect of preferment, for no less than five years. In the year 1736, the parish of Beith, where the family of Caldwell usually resided, became vacant. The right of presentation was vested in the Eglinton family: but the Countess, Susannah, waving the exercise of that right, recommended Mr. Leechman in a letter to the presbytery of Irvine; and in consequence of this, and the unanimous wish of all ranks in the parish, he was, in the month of October, ordained minister of Beith. In this populous and extensive charge, he continued about seven years, living sometimes in the manse, where he had servants, but for the most part at Caldwell. The duties of a clergyman in Scotland, especially in country parishes, are, when regularly performed, very laborious. He preaches twice or thrice every Sunday, catechises his whole parish annually, and visits them as often in a pastoral way; by which is meant, a stated visit to every family, accom5 E

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