He believed the true reason of the right hon. gentleman not furnishing them with any information was, that he was not at all informed upon the subject. He looked upon the bill as introducing a new principle of legislating for the internal tranquillity of foreign states, and he could understand it in no other way than as emanating from a concert between the noble lord and foreign ministers. This then was one of the fruits of the noble lord's negociations, that we were to become the assistant police-officers of other governments.

Mr. Addington vindicated himself from the charge of ignorance, It was impossible for him to have an intuitive knowledge of what was passing in the office of his colleague.

Lord Milton thought that as, according to the right hon. gentleman, the cases were very few in which this power had been put in force, it might be possible, without intuitive knowledge, to have some information as to one of these few cases, and this a very recent one.

The amendment was negatived without a division.

Mr. Ponsonby then submitted a clause, enacting that there should be laid before parliament, at the commencement of every session, an account of the number and a description of the persons sent out of the country under this act during the preceding year.

Lord Castlereagh saw no reason for adopting this clause. It was always competent to any member to move for the production of papers when necessary, without making it a matter of course, or unnecessarily proclaiming to the world every act of administration.

The clause was negatived.

Sir S. Romilly moved, that the continuance of the act be limited to one year instead of two.

Mr. Horner trusted that the supporters of the measure would see the propriety of acquiescing in this amendment, as he could not suppose they acted from a blind confidence in the ministers of the Crown. He had patiently waited, but in vain, for some explanation from the noble lord of a law which was a reproach and a stain on the character of the country. Nothing, however, was advanced beyond this-that from mere confidence in the noble lord, such as they knew him to be, they were to depart from the ancient law and policy of the country, and withdraw from strangers that hospitable and generous recep

tion which it had been the pride of our ancestors to afford them. The bill was a disgrace to the character of the country, and the manner of passing it a disgrace to the character of that House,

Lord Castlereagh said, it would be equally open to parliament to consider the question next session, whether the act was to continue in force for one or for two years. He was not aware that ministers had been backward in assigning the rea sons which induced them to submit the measure to parliament.

Sir James Mackintosh observed, that there was a material difference between renewing and repealing a bill. In the former case the burthen of proof lay upon ministers. There was no act of his life upon which he more sincerely congratu lated himself than on his opposition to this monstrous and tyrannical measure-a measure the agents in which could only be protected by eternal secrecy, and the effect of which was to introduce lettres de cachet instead of writs of habeas corpus, and to establish the inquisition instead of the trial by jury.

Mr. Ponsonby could not conceive why the bill should continue exactly for two years, as, by the conventions, the occupation of the French fortresses was to continue for at least three years.

Lord Castlereagh said, the bill would expire in July 1818, and the convention might cease with respect to the French fortresses in the November following; so that if it should appear necessary to extend the duration of the bill to the same period, under the circumstances which might then exist, parliament would have the opportunity of renewing their precautionary policy.

Mr. Brougham submitted that the noble lord had now betrayed his real wish to perpetuate the measure. The whole of his arguments were founded on considerations of foreign policy. He urged parliament to give the government the power of dealing arbitrarily and tyrannically with persons not plotting against our government, but supposed to be engaged in some plots against their own. He conjured the House to pause before they gave their final sanction to a bill, the object of which was neither more nor less than to enable foreign princes to exercise an arbitrary power over their subjects resident in this realm. He could have wished that persons conversant with the operation of the former alien act could have been examined

as to its effects. He could at least have wished that the memorials of a gentleman lately in the alien office, and whom, though he differed with him in politics, he respected for his fairness, and manliness-he meant Mr. John Reeves-were before the House: the opinions and experience of that gentleman, he understood, were distinctly against the bill.

Mr. Swan spoke in support of the bill being made annual.

The House then divided on the amendment, Yeas, 29; Noes, 79.

On the motion for passing the bill, Mr. J. W. Ward professed himself not unfriendly to such powers being vested in the crown on extraordinary occasions, but from what had passed it was impossible not to suppose that some gentlemen were for permanently engrafting them on the body of the constitution. Every thing that placed an individual under the uncontrolled, irresponsible power of government was in itself an evil, unjustifiable on any principle except that of saving us from still greater evils. To say that in the 19th century you should put an end to privileges enjoyed even in the 14th, appeared most ridiculous. No such measure had been thought of in the reign of queen Elizabeth, nor when a numerous party in favour of the pretender existed in the very heart of the country. In all the debates which took place on the alien bill in 1793, the measure was solely rested on the crimes and dangers of that eventful period. But what analogy was there between that period and the present? He was anxious that the constitution should resume its ancient course. He was sorry an opportunity should be given of saying, that though England, relying upon her strength, once dared to be generous, yet that she dared to be so no longer.

Mr. Lockhart reviewed the progress of Jacobinical sentiments from the year 1793. He alluded to the opinion of sir J. Mackintosh in 1801, when defending Peltier, that those principles would never be renounced by those who had once imbibed them. He defended the bill, from a conviction of its necessity, and that ministers would never abuse the powers vested in them to provide for the public security. These were extraordinary times, and he felt that extraordinary measures were still

STATE OF THE PUBLIC FINANCES.] The order of the day being read,

House as follows:
Mr. J. P. Grant rose and addressed the

Sir; In rising to submit to the House the resolutions of which I formerly gave notice, relative to the State of the Finances; I cannot but feel that I may be liable to some imputation of presumption in undertaking to discuss a subject of such importance and extent. I sincerely regret that it has not fallen into abler hands. But, with the views I entertain of it, I should have thought myself deficient in an indispensable duty, if I had neglected to call to it the attention of the House and of the country. All that I can promise the House is, that I will discuss it with as much brevity as is consistent with clearness in the detail which it is necessary for me to submit to you.

That the country is in a state of unparralleled financial difficulty is admitted on all hands. The right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer himself admits that the expenditure of the year must greatly exceed the revenue; and this, Sir, will be the case, not only in the present year, but in future years, unless some means be fallen on either most materially to relieve the expenditure or to raise the revenue. If my motion shall produce no other effect than to convince the House and the country of the imperative necessity of adopting a scale of economy adequate to the exigencies of our situation, I shall think that a great object has been obtained. But it is not partial and trifling savings that will do, however necessary every degree and sort of economy undoubtedly is. It will be seen that nothing can save us from the utmost financial difficulty and distress, but a large and comprehensive system of retrenchment. How far any degree of economy will do, it will be for the House to determine. But that we cannot go on at the

nuities 174,6811. 2s. 6d. For paying offdebentures 807,0851. The twelfth resolution states that there is payable upon exchequer bills outstanding 1,500,000l. The thirteenth, that there must be provided towards the debt due to the East India company 145,491. 13s. 4d. and the fourteenth resolution states the total amount of the aforesaid sums being 30,085,761l. 10s. 1d., being the amount so far as the same can be at present ascertained of the expenditure to be defrayed by Great Britain within the present year, exclusive of the charges upon the consolidated fund, but including the proportion payable by Ireland.

With regard to Ireland, it appears that so far from being able to pay her proportion of the expenditure of the united kingdoms, the sums actually applied to defray the charge on account of the national debt in the year ending the 5th January last amounted in Irish currency to 6,369,170l. 5s. 9d., whilst the nett revenue paid into the exchequer during the same year was only 5,752,861l. 5s. 11d. leaving a deficiency of the revenue to defray the charges of the national debt amounting to 616,308/. 19s, 10d. in Irish currency. I am aware that the total charge on the national debt of Ireland, as it stood on the 5th of January 1816, exceeds the sum which was actually applied during the year to defray that charge because there were additional loans contracted in the course of the year, the charge on which, though constituting part of the charge on the debt as it existed at the close of the year, did not fall to be defrayed till the course of the present year. But, on the other hand, additional taxes were laid on during the past year of which the whole effect would not be felt before the close of the year; and being desirous as much as possible to avoid exaggeration, I have thought it better to leave out both sides of this account, and to assume the actual deficiency of last year as the criterion of that which we are to expect during the present.

As Ireland is thus incapable of defraying even the charges on her national debt, it is evident that she can contribute nothing either to the expense of her civil list and other permanent charges, or to the proportion payable under the treaty of union towards the joint expenditure of the united kingdom; but that, on the contrary, these charges and expenses must be provided for, otherwise than out of the revenue of that country. The expense of the civil list and other permanent charges in

Ireland, appears to have amounted in the last year to 500,915l. 7s. 2d. Irish currency; which added to the above defi. ciency for defraying the charge on the national debt, amounts to 1,117,224. 78. Irish currency, being 1,051,2847. Os. 4d. British, to be in future otherwise provided for than out of the revenue of Ireland. These facts are stated in the 15th, 16th, and 17th resolutions. In the 18th resolution, it is stated, that the balance due by Ireland to Great Britain on the 5th of January last, arising from the payments made by each country respectively on account of the joint charges of the united kingdom, amounted in British currency to 2,912,280l. 8s. 11d.; and that on the same day there remained in the Exchequer of Ireland an unappropriated balance, amounting in British currency to 1,336,6951. 6s. 5d. I suppose this last sum to be a fund applicable to the payment of the former sum; and it is obvious that the result is the same as if they were carried respectively to their proper sides of the general account. I have thought the mode I have adopted the clearest and more simple; I have therefore deducted the latter sum from the former, which shows a balance, being a farther sum to be provided on account of Ireland for the present year, amounting to 1,605,585. 2s. 6d. In the 19th resolution, the whole of the above sums are added together, and the resolution states, that supposing the deficiency of the revenue of Ireland in the present year to be the same as in the last, they will form the whole expense of the united kingdom during the present year, so far as the same can be at present ascertained, exclusive of the charges on the consolidated fund of Great Britain, and of the charges supposed to be provided for by the revenue of Ireland, amounting in all to the sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d. This, then, is the expenditure to be provided for in the present year.

I come now, Sir, to state the Ways and Means for defraying this expenditure by monies received or receivable within the year: and here I am content to take the statement of the right hon. gentleman. In the 20th resolution these ways and means are stated to have been calculated as follows:

From the Surplus of Grants

for the year 1815............£.5,663,755 From the Surplus of the Consolidated Fund ....... 3,000,000 From the Annual Taxes...... 3,000,000