subject into their most serious consideration. Notwithstanding the undoubted right of the British legislature to legislate in this matter, he agreed that it was most desirable in every point of view, that the object should be accomplished by the colonial legislatures. With respect to those who had the accomplishment of this object most deeply at heart, he could answer for them, that instead of wishing to cast imputations upon any class of men, or to excite any thing like clamour, it was their most earnest desire to consult the interests of all, and to consider even the prejudices of those who opposed them with all possible indulgence, as far as all this could be done in consistency with the accomplishment of the grand object which they had in view. Neither on this nor on any other occasion had he stated the measure of the slave-registry bill as one intended to correct an evil already existing. He did not know, with any degree of certainty, how the facts really stood with respect to the past; but he well knew that it was the duty of a wise and just legislature to prevent the occurrence of evil if possible, as well as to restrain or abolish it when it had arisen; and when he should come to the discussion of that subject, he hoped to be able to convince their lordships, that in a period of peace, unless some such measure as the slave-registry bill were adopted, it would be impossible to prevent the prevalence of this illegal practice, not in a few instances, as his noble friend had stated, but to an enormous and horrible extent, while at the same time discovery might be rendered so difficult that it might be perhaps impossible to prove the violation of the law even in a few instances. Admitting that, in point of expediency, the British legislature ought only to interfere in these internal regulations where an extreme case should be pointed out, still it was fitting that the British parliament should have the means of forming an accurate judgment as to whether such an extreme case did or did not exist. Nothing could be better calculated for this purpose than the slave-registry law, as this would bring regularly before the British parliament the actual state and condition of the slave population.

Earl Stanhope was glad that this notice had been given, and that the subject was to be discussed in the British legislature. It was not a colonial regulation at all. The object was to prevent the commission

of acts of piracy against the subjects of a foreign power. He admitted, however, that the prejudices of the colonists ought to be consulted, as far as it could be done consistently with the great purpose; but an excellent argument might be applied to their pockets, and unless the colonial assemblies paid the proper attention to this recommendation, the British legisla ture ought to tax them so as to make them bitterly repent it.

Lord Holland said, that the noble earl had his wish, for they were already heavily taxed.

SILVER COINAGE.] The Prince Regent's Message having been referred to a committee of the whole House,

The Earl of Liverpool rose. He said, that although the Address which he should propose, in answer to the Prince Regent's message, would pledge the House to nothing more than to concur in the best and most effectual measures for remedying the defects of the silver coin, yet as these measures were partly to be brought before parliament for its approbation, it might not be improper to state the general outline of the measures which government had in contemplation on this important subject. This was certainly a question upon which the Crown, by its prerogative, had a peculiar right to decide, but some of the steps necessary for the accomplishment of the intended object could not be taken without the aid of parliament; and at any rate, where the matter was of so much importance, and so directly and immediately connected with the interests of all classes of the community, no ministry would be disposed to give advice to the Crown as to the proper mode of proceeding, without submitting that advice to the consideration of parliament. As to the general subject, it had occupied the attention of many persons for several years; and a near, dear, and lamented relation of his had made it the chief study of the latter years of his life. He had committed his thoughts on the subject to paper; in a letter to his sovereign; and, by the order of his sovereign, that letter had been published. His deceased relation had been, from a variety of circumstances, peculiarly well qualified for the discussion of the subject-from his general knowledge, from particular application to this subject, and from having had the charge of the gold coinage which took place in 1773-4. The work was before

lic incurred the loss that accrued from the wearing or clipping of it when in circulation. It became the government and legislature of this country to be more liberal. He proposed, therefore, that all the silver which could be considered as legal tender, by having the proper marks, should be received at its current value when called in. Mere counterfeits could not be received for more than their value as determined by weight and fineness, as it would be impolitic and unjust to burthen the country with an expenditure, to repay losses that were the consequence of the knavery or simplicity of individuals. He would recommend, that the distinction between what was at present legal tender, and what was mere counterfeit, should be strictly observed. The difficulty of deciding between them would not be found so great in practice as at first sight it might appear. In most cases the point might be easily settled, and if any reasonable doubt should occur, the public should have the benefit of the decision of it. He would not detain their lordships with detailing the advantages of a new coinage to trade and commerce, nor did he think it necessary to prove that the present was as fit a season for accomplishing that object as any that could be expected to occur. The inconvenience of the present system would increase by delay. Though he did not think that the silver coinage of the country was much more connected with the bank restriction than the copper, yet he would make a few observations on the subject. He sincerely hoped that by the end of two years the Bank would return to cash payments, and he was of opinion that the measure of issuing a good and sufficient silver coinage would not only operate as a step to ameliorate the whole system of our circulation, but would accelerate or facilitate such an event. The present, therefore, as a measure in aid of what all desired, could not but be acceptable. If it was not adopted, the resumption of cash payments would be more difficult. As it was the duty of the House to exert itself to restore the ancient state of our circulation, and, as we could revert to it only gradually, the reformation of our silver coinage seemed a necessary step. He, therefore, concluded by moving, "that an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, thanking him for his gracious Message, and assuring him of the desire of the House to concur in its objects."

The Earl of Lauderdale conceived, that

| as he dissented from the doctrines maintained by the noble earl, he was bound, in the exercise of his parliamentary duty, to place the grounds of his dissent on the journals of the House. The book of the noble earl's father, from which he borrowed the doctrines he had just delivered, contained many sound opinions, and possessed great merit; but he could not accede to its fundamental principle, that gold was the best standard metal for the coin of the kingdom. He concurred with him, that it was better to have a standard of gold or of silver, than to invest both metals with that character. This principle should have been carried a little farther, and have prevented silver from being a legal tender for sums of 51. as it now was, if gold was to be considered as the standard. If, on the other hand, gold

was not the standard it should be allowed to find its level in the market, like any other species of commodity. If silver was made the standard, the change would be attended with this advantage that it would render our currency less liable to fluctuation in value; if not made the standard, and yet rendered the legal tender for small sums, it was liable to be deteriorated to an amazing extent as would be seen in the present debased state of our silver currency. The sixpences now in circulation were not worth in value more than 3 d., and the shilling had not generally in it more silver than what was equivalent to 8d. or 9d. Silver was circulated as a matter of convenience, without any regard to its goodness or weight. The smaller pieces of gold were regarded in the same light, and might in the course of time become equally deteriorated. If he had fifteen shillings in his pocket, he never considered their intrinsic value, or the weight and fineness of the metal they contained; but viewed them merely in the light of their exchangeable value, and as convenient for procuring what he wanted. He did the same with small gold peices. It would be proper, therefore, to adopt a metal, which from its greater divisibility compared with its exchangeable value, would be found more conducive to the purposes of convenience. On this account he would give the preference to silver over gold as the standard of payments. Adverting to the work of the late lord Liverpool, the noble earl declared that he felt as high a respect for it as any of their lordships: and he was of opinion that its noble author, after spending the greater part of his life in the

highness, humbly to implore his royal highness to postpone all thoughts of providing a new and extensive issue of silver coin, for the purpose of reconsidering a measure of so much importance, and of maturely deliberating whether, at a moment of such financial distress, it is justifiable to impose such a burthen on his people, more especially as it must by all be deemed at least uncertain whether it can be attended with any benefit to the community, if carried into execution during the continuance of the restriction on cash payments at the bank of England." The Earl of Liverpool rose, he said, not to re-argue the question, but to speak to a matter of fact. The cost of the new silver coinage was estimated at 500,000/.; but the noble lord had thought proper to estimate it at 9,500,000l. Now he could not imagine upon what ground the noble lord rested an estimate so incompatible with the actual amount of our silver currency. For the whole of the silver coinage of king William was about six millions, and with the exception of a small quantity in the reign of queen Anne, there had since notoriously been no silver coinage whatever.

The Earl of Lauderdale observed, that his estimate rested upon that of the chancellor of the exchequer, who appeared to calculate that only one out of twenty shillings in circulation was not of the coinage of the mint, whereas he (lord L.) took the more probable calculation, that 19 out of 20 were of that description.

The amendment was negatived, and the original address agreed to without a divi

sion.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Thursday, May 30. PETITION OF THE IRISH ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOPS AND CLERGY.] Sir Henry Parnell rose to present a Petition from the bishops and clergy professing the Roman Catholic Religion in Ireland; he said it was signed by 23 prelates, and 1,052 priests. The Catholic bishops and clergy of Ireland, he proceeded to state, had been at all times most conspicuous for the faithful discharge of their duties, as teachers of the Christian Religion. Whatever there was of moral principle existing among the Catholic people of Ireland, it was wholly to be attributed to the unabated zeal of their clergy; for no people ever owed less, for any good quality they

possessed, to the protection of the laws they lived under, or the assistance of the state; the whole system of both being a continued effort, during the greater part of the last century, to deprive the people of all instruction, whether by the aid of religion or by schools. It was, therefore, not to be questioned, that had it not been for the meritorious conduct of the Catholic clergy, in defiance of all suffering and dangers, the Irish people must have been at this day the most ignorant and most uncivilized people of the world. He said, he knew that many were inclined to conceive that this was their real character, but such an opinion was wholly void of foundation. Every one at all acquainted with Ireland must admit, that the people possess a moral principle, which leads them to practise all the domestic and social duties in the most exemplary manner. It was no doubt true, that many and very outrageous acts and crimes occasionally disgraced some parts of the country; but if these were traced to their true causes, they would almost always be found to be instigated by religious animosities, emanating from political disabilities. Those who had the most studied the nature of the crimes that come before the tribunals of justice, are of opinion, that they are for the most part nearly altogether those crimes which are called mala prohibita, and not mala in se. This distinction is found to prevail very generally, and fully proves how universally the prin ciples of religion and virtue exist, and how successful the efforts of the clergy must have been in the discharge of their sacred duties. The Catholic clergy were not less distinguished for their zeal in teaching submission to the laws and the ruling powers. Notwithstanding all the bishops were appointed by James 2nd and his son the pretender, till a late period of the last century, it is upon record, upon the best authority, that among the pretender's papers, which were seized after the battle of Culloden, no trace was to be found of any connexion between him and the Irish Catholic bishops or clergy. The noble lord (the secretary for foreign affairs and the right hon. member for Peterborough (Mr. Elliot), who were both in the Irish government in 1798, have repeatedly borne testimony, in this House, of the great services the Catholic bishops rendered the state, by the influence of their example and pastoral letters, in suppressing the rebellion of 1798. Under