to adapt it to practice. In one point I believe there is a general concurrence of opinion, that a remedy must be sought for to put a stop to an evil that cannot much longer be endured. A due regard to the happiness and comfort of the labouring classes demands this of us, not less than the indispensable necessity of relieving a great part of the community from burthens destructive of their industry and comforts. On these grounds, Sir, I shall move that a select committee be appointed to take into their consideration the laws relative to the maintenance and support of the poor. From their labours I anticipate such suggestions as may aid the House in adopting a system that will restore the labouring people their independence, and with it an increase of happiness; and at the same time augment industry and thereby promote the general prosperity of the empire.-The hon. gentleman concluded with moving, "That a select committee be appointed to take into their consideration the Poor Laws, and to report their observations thereupon to the House." Sir Egerton Brydges, though unwilling to trespass on the indulgence of the House, at an hour when other pressing matter stood for debate, yet could not be entirely silent on a subject which had occupied so much of his attention. He could assure the House, that he would not trespass many minutes on their patience; for he would refrain from entering on the various and almost voluminous topics which this matter suggested: and which it required laborious and painful discussions to investigate with proper comprehension. But he could not forbear expressing shortly his dissent, from the opinion that the poor laws were so bad in their origin and principle as they had been this night represented to be. He admitted the evils of the present system were numerous and crying; but he believed that those evils were mainly to be attributed to a departure from the simplicity and objects of the laws originally enacted, in the reign of queen Elizabeth. They were false excrescences, which had grown out of the stock; and had filled it with diseases and dangers. He' was willing to add his tribute of praise to Mr. Lockhart returned thanks as an in- the able and perspicuous manner in which dividual to the hon. member for his exer- the hon. member who had brought forward tions on this subject, of all others the most this motion, had expounded his plan to the interesting; for his endeavours not to re- House. But he felt it a duty not totally lieve the rich from contributing to the to suppress the mention of his fear, that necessities of others, but to make those so extensive a theory, and so fundamental contributions useful to all; and to remove an alteration of the existing laws, would a system, which, if not remedied, must in be found to be less practicable than the the end effect the ruin of every class, and, hon. mover flattered himself it would be. beginning with the lower members, soon The present poor laws were so widely radestroy also the nobler parts of the body. mified, so deeply rooted, and so intimately There never had been a proper system of interwoven with the whole system of the laws on this head. The hon. gentleman institutions of the country; they were the here went into the history of the poor result of such a long series of generations laws, and showed that the statute of Eliza- of legislative and judicial talent, acting on beth had been altogether misconstrued. the successive experience of the numerous He expatiated on the mischiefs arising and changing facts in the condition of life from mixing up poor-rates with wages, of the lower orders; and this vast collecwhich took from the poor man every feel- tion of enactments, and provisions, and ing of independence, and rendered him judgments, had become so familiar to the of no value in his own estimation. By understandings and habits of those who giving him as a boon what he ought to were dispersed every where, even to every earn as his own property, he was not only corner of the kingdom, that for his part he defrauded of his right, but lost all energy must hesitate and pause, before he could or desire to gain his own subsistence, and reconcile his mind to a change so immense, ceased to feel any shame at being sup- a theory so untried, as that now proposed. ported by the parish. It was necessary At any rate, it must be long before the to convince the poor that under the pre- result of any committee to which so vast sent system the ruin of all must ensue, a subject was given in consideration, could and relief be finally altogether hopeless be completed. Another session at the in short, that the poor were much more least must pass away in this arduous ininterested in each other's labour than inquiry; and it was not therefore without each other's idleness. deep regret that he now reflected, that he had yielded to the solicitations of the hon. | imbecility of those under whose control member, to postpone those partial amelio- they were placed. He was at a loss to rations of minor evils, which were in his imagine by what course of reasoning the opinion no necessary concomitants of the noble lord had come at the conclusion present system; and of which the remo- that all foreigners arriving previous to 1816 val, if only for the time that would elapse were harmless individuals, not partaking before the hon. mover's proposed mea. of any portion of the spirit which infected sures could be brought forward, would many who had subsequently visited this have been no slight good. But he recol- country. He had before entered at length lected the pledge he had given to the into the question, and if there was any House, that he would not, on the ground for thinking that the internal and present occasion, trespass long on their external circumstances of Great Britain repatience. He would therefore close with quired measures of precaution, the alien bill expressing his assent to the present mo- for the purpose of keeping a surveillance tion; and his earnest hope, that a subject over foreigners was undoubtedly necessary. which deserved such profound attention Was it even common sense to argue, that from this House would produce all the oecause persons who entertained the degood which the able and sanguine mover sign of disturbing the present repose of Eupredicted from it. rope resorted to this country to carry on their machinations, instead of confining themselves to the continent, ministers were tobe unarmed with any power to resist their efforts? If this bill was prudent in 1814, it was indispensable now; and he could not consent to draw a line either at 1814, or at any other period, between the foreigners who for innocent or guilty purposes took up their abode in England. The amendment, he apprehended, would rather have the effect of promoting mischief, since it would compel those who had evil designs to seek out among the old residents foreigners of kindred spirits with themselves to accomplish their purposes. The motion was then agreed to, and a committee appointed. ALIEN BILL.] On the motion that the Alien Bill be read a third time, Lord Althorp said, that seeing no prospect of the rejection of this bill, he wished to do all the practical good in his power, by providing some guard against its abusive exercise, and with that view he proposed a clause to exempt from the operation of the bill any aliens resident in this country before the 1st of January, 1816, adding, that although he mentioned that period, he should be willing to adopt the 1st of January 1814, or such other date Sir James Mackintosh admitted, that the as the House might deem more expedient; noble lord was quite consistent in comfor his only object was, to establish plaining of all protection to weak and undesome protection for these aliens, who had fended aliens as a diminution of the power been long resident in this country-who of the executive government-" Give us had contributed to increase our capital, to absolute power, or give us nothing," had improve our manufactures, to advance our been the constant language of the noble skill in arts and arms-who had their pro-lord. Upon the most plausible part of his perty vested in our funds-who had in fact contracted English habits, and who depended for their subsistence upon the stability of our government. He submitted to the consideration and candour of the House, that no danger could be apprehended from such men, and that therefore they should not be put out of the pale of the constitution. The question, that the clause be brought up, having been put, Lord Castlereagh objected to it, as narrowing too much the operation of the bill. He said, it would be far wiser to reject the measure altogether than to give the executive government so vain an instrument, the effect of which would rather be to induce disaffected foreigners to presume upon the argument he had not however been equally consistent, for on a former night he had contended that all the perturbed spirits had entered the country since 1814: for this his noble friend proposed to provide, by exempting from this despotism all foreigners who had been in the country before the downfal of Napoleon and the dispersion of his followers; and now the noble lord insisted that all foreigners, even those of fifty years residence, who had families and property at stake, were equally to be dreaded. The clause of his noble friend was designed to give some protection to those who could scarcely by possibility be dangerous-merchants, handicraftsmen, artisans, and others, to the number of about 14,000, who had long been esta blished here. In a former debate the noble lord (Castlereagh) had supported the bill, on the ground that aliens were only under a temporary allegiance; but had they not always been so, and had not our ancestors always held that security sufficient? Had it not satisfied king William, in the year of the Assassination plot, and George 1, at the time of the rebellion, though the plot was in a time of dangerous war, and both plot and rebellion notoriously countenanced by the French government, though both were against new and tottering governments, and both aided by powerful factions at home? The whole of the argument in favour of the bill was in truth a libel upon the policy of our ancestors, who had held that of all persons aliens who were cut off from sources of intelligence, unacquainted with the language, and regarded in this country with more than the usual degree of that prejudice and distrust of which foreigners are every where the object, were least likely to be employed as spies, by a sagacious enemy, who can always command the more effective and unsuspected services of profligate natives, which every country produces. He complained mainly of this bill as affording means to unprincipled individuals to impose upon the fears and credulity of government, and to render the supreme authority against the intention of those who exercise it an instrument of the most cruel oppression. war, but an alien bill of greater severity than had been known in times of revolution. The enmity of government to foreigners had of late years been carried to such an extent, that the powers of parliament had been limited, and the House of Lords had passed a resolution that no naturalization bill should be passed until the fiat of the secretary of state was obtained certifying in favour of the individual who required the privilege in one instance of long residence and of great importance, mentioned formerly by the hon. member for Arundel (sir S. Romilly), this certificate had been positively refused. Such measures of exclusion to the natives of the rest of the world literally verified the words of the poet- divisos orbe Britannos. Lord Milton said, that the argument of the solicitor-general that the decision ought to be left to the discretion of the secretary of state, would apply as well to natives as aliens, and would authorize even the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act. The fact was, that the alien bill was designed, not to accomplish our own, but the purposes of foreign powers, and it had been supported by reasoning that betrayed in a manner the source from which it flowed. As the noble lord and his friends were for deserting the ancient constitution of the country, it was wise in them to abandon also the ancient language of the country. The solicitor-general had talked of negociants, which he strangely interpreted spies; and the noble lord had spoken of a system of surveillance it was necessary to establish for the security of the realm. What surveillance was recognized by the British constitution? It was left for the noble lord to establish, in the heart of this country, his system of surveillance over the peaceable inhabitants, in imitation doubtless of some continental efforts of the same kind, which the noble lord had witnessed and approved. The Solicitor General observed, that the principle of the bill was to guard the country, not against foreigners who had arrived since a certain date, but against all aliens who entertained evil designs; and although long residence could not be held conclusive in favour of an individual, it would of course have its due weight with the secretary of state, who was to determine upon his case. No man who merely visited England for innocent purposes would be molested. Merchants and artisans who did not intermeddle with po- Mr. Addington observed, that what had litics would receive all the usual encou- been stated on a former occasion respectragement; but the experience of the lasting a certificate of naturalization being war had shown beyond doubt, that the title of negociant had been employed all over Europe, and even in England, as a cloak to hide treasonable purposes. In his opinion the amendment would paralize the needful vigour of the bill. Sir John Newport remarked upon the secure and satisfactory peace obtained by the noble lord, which required not only a military establishment greater than during He refused upon the application of an hon. tions to it; and those who supported it seemed to reason upon the measure, as if it were the most tyrannical and oppressive ever proposed to the legislature of a free country. For his own part, he regarded it as merely a precautionary proceeding, and could not see how that precaution could be exercised with more lenity. The government had brought it forward only from a sense of duty. Sir Samuel Romilly, having originally mentioned to the House the case of the refusal of a certificate, begged to state, that the right hon. gentleman who spoke last seemed to be utterly ignorant of what had passed in his own office. Before he (sir Samuel) had ventured to state in parliament a fact so incredible, as that after fifty years residence, in a case of property to a great amount, a certificate for naturalization had been positively refused, he had made the strictest inquiry of the solicitor and others, who assured him, that Mr. Beckett, the under secretary, had repeatedly said that no certificate would or could be granted. With respect to the manner in which gentlemen attempted to support this measure, it was certainly most curious to hear new words borrowed from the French quoted, and particularly that of surveillance, as an inducement for the House to pass the bill; but the main point to be considered was, that it was a measure introduced to parliament by the secretary of state for foreign affairs, thereby proving that it was and could be considered as nothing but a foreign measure. A most unwarrantable power was given to the noble lord to whose care the properties and liberties of so many thousands were entrusted. In many instances, he had no hesitation in saying, the loss of life would be far more acceptable to the alien than to be at a moment's warning torn from the bosom of his family, and his misery consummated by the loss of his property, and this at the caprice and whim of that noble personage. Far better would it be at once to vest the power of life and death of the alien in the hands of the minister, for then a little more deliberation would be used, and their condemnation would not then rest upon false and slanderous whispers. Mr. Addington said, that what he had stated was upon the authority of his noble relation; and he would leave the House to judge whether his noble relation was a person likely to state what was not the fact. Mr. Wynn supported the clause. He considered that it would be a most disgraceful thing to this country, if an alien, who had peaceably remained in the kingdom for fifty years, was suffered to be turned out at the whim of the secretary of state, without trial and without appeal. Lord Althorp said, that with a view to conciliate the objections of the noble lord, if possible, he had amended his clause, and substituted the first of January 1813, in lieu of the 1st of January 1816. Lord Castlereagh said, he should feel an equal objection to the clause in its amended state. The House then divided: For the clause, 33; against it, 76. WEST INDIA SLAVES.] Lord Gren ville said, their lordships would recollect, that he had some time ago moved for certain papers connected with the subject of the Registry of Slaves in the West India colonies. These papers, he understood, would soon be laid on their lordships table. The view with which he had moved for these papers was this; that their lordships might take them into their serious consideration, with reference to a most important measure which was then in contemplation, namely, a bill to compel the registry of slaves in the West Indies, where the state of slavery was still permitted under the sanction of British law to continue. He did not at present mean to discuss the propriety of such a measure; | pletely agreed; and he trusted that the but as these papers were soon to be pro- wisdom and inclination, and-if mankind duced, he requested of their lordships to must always be supposed to act from these examine them with the utmost attention, sordid motives-even the interest of the with a view to a motion which it was his colonial legislatures would lead them to intention to submit to their consideration adopt such measures as would afford full early in the next session. Their lordships security against the occurrence of that would not imagine that he proposed to evil which appeared to be so much dreaded. take the measure of a slave-registry bill out of those hands in which it was so properly placed; but he thought this was a matter which might with great convenience, and according to common usage be made the subject of a motion or resolution in their lordships House, without waiting for the slow progress of a bill; and therefore he wished now to give notice, that he should early in the next session submit some proposition on this head to their lordships. Lord Holland said, that he had, on a former occasion, expressed his doubts as to the necessity or expediency of such a measure as this slave-registry bill. He understood that it was supported on two grounds: first, to prevent the illicit importation of slaves into the British West India colonies; and secondly, to better the condition of the slaves. But he was convinced that there was no such direct importation into Jamaica, nor any of the British West India colonies except Trinidad; and even if there had been such illicit importation, it would be infinitely better that the remedy should be applied by the legislatures of the colonies themselves; and he hoped that a recommendation to that effect would be sent from the government here to the colonial legislatures. The utmost reluctance ought to be felt to legislate here in matters which concerned the internal regulations of the colonies; and such a mode of proceeding would have the strongest tendency to defeat the very object in view. If he thought that there really was an illicit importation of slaves into the British West India islands, and that this unjust and horrible traffic was continued there; and if he were convinced that there was a determination in the colonial legislatures never to have recourse to the measures which might be necessary to put an end to it, then he would certainly vote for a slave-registry bill brought into parliament here, and even for stronger measures, if that should not be found sufficient. The only difference between him and his noble friend, therefore, rested on questions of time and prudence. In the fundamental principle they were com Earl Bathurst said, it was the intention of government to recommend in the most earnest manner to the colonial legislatures the adoption of some measure or other calculated to answer the purposes of the slave-registry bill. They would judge what measures might be most effectual; but he himself certainly thought, that a slave-registry act passed by the colonial legislatures was the best mode for accomplishing the object. If the colonial legislatures should choose to take up the matter, he trusted it would be with a full determination really to effectuate the purpose, instead of merely doing it in form, and leaving it undone in substance and effect. He conceived it would be even better for the colonial legislatures sturdily to refuse doing this at all, than to endeavour to proceed in that hollow mode to which he had adverted. He was desirous, however, that the principle upon which this recommendation was to be made to the colonial legislatures should not be misunderstood. The principle upon which he had agreed to offer this recommendation, was not his belief in the existence of a present practice of illicit importation of slaves into the islands. He was satisfied that there was no systematic violation of the law in that respect, though certainly such a violation might have taken place in some few instances. The principle was not to correct an existing evil, but to prevent the occurrence of an evil, which, without some such regulation, would probably arise. Though in time of war the law as it stood might be sufficient to check such practices, yet in time of peace he was apprehensive that the existing law might not be sufficient. He did not deny the right of the British parliament to bind the colonies by such a law; but it would be very indiscreet to act upon that right, unless in cases where the object could not be accomplished by any other method. Lord Grenville said, he was most happy to hear that it was the intention of government to recommend this matter to the attention of the colonial legislatures, and he trusted that they would, in deference to that recommendation, take the |