from that statement be consistently charged by the noble lord with a desire to inflame religious animosities. But whatever the event of the motion might be, he felt that his statement, and the discussion upon it, would serve to do good without being at all calculated to do any harm. For it must do good to disclose the truth, and to bring acts of oppression to light in the only assembly in Europe where truth could be safely spoken. But the noble lord had said that the letter of the Protestant society in this country had done much mischief to the cause of the Protestants in France. What was the publication of injustice likely to do more mischief than the silent toleration of it? Had any measures of vigour been taken to bring the rioters to justice? The contrary, indeed, was evident, from the tone and terms of the French king's proclamation. But he did not on this ground mean to censure the king, for that monarch, like our regent, had the misfortune of acting through, and being acted upon by others. After hearing the whole case made out by the noble lord, he had no doubt that, under all its circumstances, the letter of the duke of Wellington was wholly unjustifiable on the facts. He would not divide the House, but he felt satisfied that the result of this discussion would be beneficial.

Lords Binning and Castlereagh, in explanation, disavowed any imputation upon the hon. and learned gentleman for his mode of introducing this motion. The question was then put from the chair, and negatived without a division.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday May 24.

WEIGHTS AND MEASURES]. The order of the day for the consideration of this subject being read,

Earl Stanhope called to the recollection of their lordships that a bill had been brought up from the Commons on the subject of Weights and Measures, which bill their lordships had dealt with as it ought to be dealt with by men of science or sense -that is, had ordered it to be read a second time that day six months: nevertheless, in doing so, it was not the meaning of their lordships to say, that the subject itself was not one of very great importance, and that the present system as to weights and measures was one which required no improvement; but only that the bill was not calculated to effectuate the beneficial

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purposes in view. A noble friend of his (the marquis of Lansdowne) had at the time suggested that a commission should be formed, composed of persons of skill and science, to consider the subject, and report their opinion to the House; and this was the object of the motion which he was now about to submit to their lordships. It was the wish of his noble friend himself that he should take up the subject, otherwise he felt too much respect for his noble friend to have taken it out of his hands. The question for their lordships now to decide was very simple. They had only to consider, whether it was proper or not that the subject should be referred to men of science to report on it. If any plan of his should be ultimately adopted, he assured their lordships that it would be a plan founded on nature. He would have no 108 barley-corns, no length of so many acorns, no breadth of so many horse-chesnuts. If they adopted their barley-corn system, they would make themselves ridiculous in the eyes of all Europe. standards as these did not become the country of Newton, of Hutton, of Simpson, of Napier, and of Maclaurin. No such silly plan ought to be thought of, when a proper scientific standard might be introduced without any great inconvenience, as the old and new might be allowed for a time to go on together. The old and new styles were so allowed to go on together. The new style was introduced in 1752, to assimilate this country in that respect to other nations. No objection was made to it but one. Some people insisted that parliament had robbed the English year of eleven days, and made a present of them to Hanover. Now, however, the new style was almost universally used, though not altogether, for he himself had an estate in a part of the country where the old style was still used. As some noble lords were now in the House who had not been present at the time when the bill was under discussion, he would again state, from the evidence taken before the Commons committee, the remarkable fact, that there was an office in Westmins ter for stamping and adjusting weights where weights were stamped without being weighed or adjusted at all. This had for years been the practice. Weights had been stamped without ever having been put in the scales; and one of the witnesses stated, that he had several weights in his possession erroneous in different degrees, and which had been sent to try

whether they would be stamped, and they | were all stamped without having been adjusted; and the fees had been taken contrary to law, for the fees under the act of parliament were allowed not for stamping merely, but for stamping and adjusting. Their lordships would easily perceive what mischief might in this way have been done to the public, and even to the honest shopkeeper. He might have been prosecuted for having light weights, and have found his character blasted and ruined without any fault of his. This was scandalous. The witnesses examined before the Commons' committee did not very well agree as to the facts. Some described the French meter different from others; but that was the fault of the measure employed for the occasion. He should now propose to their lordships to address the Crown to appoint a commission, composed of the most eminent men of science, to consider the subject, and report. It was not enough, however, that the commission should consist merely of men of science. In order to obtain the desirable object of a free and easy communication with parliament, it would be proper that certain members (three at least) of each House of parliament should form part of the commission; and he should take the liberty of suggesting two names, the earl of Aberdeen and the earl of Rosse. As to men of science, it was desirable to have persons of different opinions in the commission, and he suggested the names of Dr. Hutton, one of the first mathematicians in Europe: Mr. Wollaston, the secretary to the royal society: Dr. Gregory, and Mr. Mudge, two very distinguished mathematicians; Dr. Robertson, professor of astronomy in the university of Oxford; Mr. Vince, professor of astronomy in the university of Cambridge; and Dr. Playfair, of the university of Edinburgh [lord Kenyon suggested that some one should be named from the university of Dublin]. Earl Stanhope, in continuation, thanked the noble lord for the suggestion, but he only at present mentioned some names who, he thought, ought to be on the commission, without pretending either actually to appoint them, or to limit the number. Eminent men might very properly be taken from the universities of Glasgow, Dublin, and others; and this put him in mind of an expression of his used on a former occasion, which he should be sorry to have taken otherwise than he intended it. He was himself sufficiently a man of science

to know how disagreeable it must be to men of that description to be harassed with questions; and the plan would be to allow them to consider the subject by themselves, without being harassed with questions by Lords or Commons. But if examination should be thought necessary, he did not mean to shrink from his expression, but repeated, that he would examine their guts out. He concluded by moving an address to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to appoint a commission to consider how far it was practicable and advisable to establish a uniform system of weights and measures.

The Earl of Aberdeen observed, that he hoped some other, more capable than he was, would be appointed; for, with the distinguished names which he had mentioned, he did not feel that he could be of the smallest service. He had lately heard, however, that certain men of science were employed at present under the sanction of the Commons' committee in making experiments on the pendulum, and other matters connected with this inquiry; and perhaps it might be worth while to consider how far the present motion might be connected with that inquiry.

The Earl of Liverpool said, that on a subject of this importance it was advisable to proceed with the utmost caution. This was not merely a question of science, but also one of convenience and practicability, though undoubtedly the scientific part must be the foundation of the whole. But when the question of science should be settled, it would still remain for parliament to consider what would be the effects of the change in practice-how it would bear on the interests of buyer and seller, and how it could most conveniently be introduced. This was a matter of extreme delicacy, and persons acquainted with the law and practice in these matters ought certainly to be employed on the inquiry. He admitted, however, that a reformation in this respect, if it could be conveniently introduced, would be highly beneficial. Though the noble earl had thrown out his own ideas on the subject, he probably was himself sensible, that the nomination of the persons to be appointed on the commission ought to be left entirely to the discretion of the Crown, and he engaged that they should be chosen with the utmost impartiality, and solely with a view to the due accomplishment of the object.

Earl Stanhope said, that though the

modesty of the noble earl who had spoken | before the minister, had induced him to disclaim a merit to which he was fully entitled, yet he hoped that persons who might have a strong influence on his mind would press him into the public service. But as to the inquiry now stated to be going on, he did not know by whom it was conducted, though he had heard reports, which if they were true, some of the persons engaged in that inquiry were of the description of those with respect to whom he promised to examine their guts out. As to what had been said by the noble earl who spoke last, he admitted that this was not merely a question of science, but one of science and expediency, and with regard to the names which he had mentioned, if the ministers of the Crown could, find better in Europe, they would be indeed very fortunate. He was very anxious that it should be kept in view how very desirable it was that a proper and common standard should be adopted by the principal nations of Europe. This would be of prodigious commercial advantage to this country, but the object could never be accomplished unless we adopted a standard founded on nature. In a mere arbitrary standard other nations would not go along with us; but if a standard founded on nature were agreed upon, the other nations of Europe might go on in the inquiry together with us, and then a proper universal standard might be fixed upon, to the great advantage of all. He was the more urgent on this point at present, on account of the extraordinary facility of communication with the other nations of Europe which the present opportunity afforded; a facility of which we ought not to fail to take advantage.

The motion was then put, and carried nem. dis.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Friday, May 24.

SOAP EXCISE BILL.] On the motion for the third reading of this bill,

Sir M. W. Ridley opposed the bill on the principle of it. As a matter of regulation he should feel no objection to it, but as a finance measure it should not have his concurrence, and he believed the chancellor of the exchequer would find himself disappointed in his expectations, if he thought it would be productive to the revenue. He also opposed it as it would tend considerably to injure the kelp trade.

Mr. Brougham wished to be informed by the chancellor of the exchequer, whether this bill was intended merely as a regulation bill, or a bill to raise money, and if the latter, he would ask what sum did the right hon. gentleman think it would raise? He had been informed that it was calculated to raise two or three hundred thousand pounds.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that the bill was intended first to protect the whale fisheries, but afterwards it was found that it would produce an addition to the revenue, which was not calculated to exceed 150,000l. Some regulations had been introduced into it which had been afterwards altered on the representation of the manufacturers of hard soap, who had pointed out the inequality of the operation of the bill on them and the manufacturers of soft soap. The whole of the increased duty would fall very lightly on the public, not being on an average more than three-pence per head on each person in the kingdom. The additional duty would not amount to more than eight or nine shillings in the hundred weight, and the whole duty would not be more than 30s. per hundred.

Mr. Preston opposed the bill. He observed that though the duty might be but small on individuals, yet it was by these imperceptible degrees that taxes had been raised to their present enormous amount.

Mr. Curwen believed the calculation would fall short of the amount, and that the tax would be 2s. each on a million of families. He would not object to any fair plan of taxation; but he was convinced this tax would fall most heavily on the lower classes.

Mr. Brougham observed, that by the alterations, the regulation part of this bill was dropped, and the tax part continued. Like other bills professing regulations, this was in fact a revenue bill, and was imperceptibly slipped through the House to a certain stage, before people knew the nature of it; and so they were prevented from considering their interests properly. The manufacturers, however, could easily combine, and one set get their exemptions, and another their drawbacks: and the consumers still had the tax to pay, after the manufacturers were relieved from what particularly pressed on them. It seemed the practice of the treasury never to bring in a bill of regulation without turning a penny by it. It was said that this tax would amount only to three-pence a head

every claim to protection, but their interests could not bear competition with that of the growth of corn in the country. It had appeared before the committee that tobacco might be grown in this country; but duties could not be effectually levied on the home growth, from the temptations to smuggling. He then moved that the first agricultural resolution be postponed. Mr. Brougham dissented from the opinion of the last speaker as to tobacco, and hoped he would recur to his original opinions against high duties and high penalties. The legislature had formerly empowered the justices to pluck up all tobacco plants, as high duties had been found inefficient. There was no excuse for the penalties but that of protecting the colonies. The colonists and merchants always enjoyed the advantage of flocking to the treasury, and obtaining laws to help them; But then we had Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, which were now foreign countries, and we had scarcely an acre of tobacco, except a few in what were Dutch colonies. We were, in fact, giving encouragement only to the American farmers. Why not act concerning home grown tobacco on the same principle as we did with hops, &c.? He could not understand the objection on the ground of smuggling. He hoped to hear some better reasons on the subject of growing tobacco at home.

Mr. Preston was proceeding at considerable length to discuss the causes of the agricultural distresses of the country, and the general topics before the agricultural committee, when

Lord Castlereagh rose to order. The hon. gentleman, he said, was travelling into topics not at present proposed for the consideration of the committee. He was entering on the general subject of the resolutions, as if the adjourned debate upon them had been resumed, whereas the question before the committee was, whether the consideration of the resolution which had been read, and which opened the general subject, should not be postponed owing to the absence from indisposition of Mr. Western, and the committee should take up at present the consideration of the report concerning wool, which had been referred to the said committee.

Mr. Preston, although unwilling that the subject should be set aside without his having the opportunity of expressing his opinions upon it, and convinced that he was strictly in order while he was taking a

general view of it, acquiesced in the judg ment of the committee.

The question of the postponement of Mr. Western's resolution being put and carried,

Mr. Frankland Lewis rose to state his sentiments on the subject of wool regulation, which had been referred to the committee of which he was chairman. In the early part of the session, and when the agricultural distresses first came under the view of the House, he stated his sentiments on the impolicy of prohibiting the exportation of wool, and expressed his wish that the prohibitory laws should be reviewed and repealed. Great anxiety was excited among the manufacturers and woolstaplers in consequence of some disposition manifested by parliament to consider the propriety of such a measure. The subject was referred to a committee, and much information was expected to be derived from the inquiries into which it might enter. The manner in which that committee had thought fit to discharge the duty imposed upon it by the House, he had on another occasion explained: and although the information which had been acquired was not sufficient in itself, or of such a kind as to induce him to change his opinion on the impolicy of the restrictions of which he originally complained, yet it was such as to induce him materially to alter his first resolution. He would therefore now move, that the export of wool should not be absolutely prohibited, but should be laid under certain regulations for the protection of the manufacturer. Nothing was more impolitic than the existing restrictions on the export of wool, and nothing could be more unreasonable or ungrounded than the arguments on which they were justified. One prejudice that existed on the subject was, that a prohibition of exporting that article was necessary to secure the interests of the manufacturer; and another, that an unrestricted export would not benefit the condition of the agriculturists. In proof of this latter position, the committee were directed to the state of the wool-trade for the last twenty years, and were told that it had not fallen in price, but remained steady, amid the fluctuations in the value of other kinds of agricultural produce. Such a fact did not warrant the conclusion that was drawn from it. Wool had actually fallen in consequence of the prohibition, or at least was prevented from retaining that relative price,