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most extraordinary effect on the human | gratitude; his exertions awakened us to a mind of this provincial misrule grounded sense of our rights-and hence the brighton what was termed Protestant ascend- est page in our annals of glory. Having theancy, that Dean Swift, calling himself and asserted her independence, little was looked Es in up to as an Irish patriot, expressed wanting to its continuance-but here she himself delighted with the prospect of failed! Those who had gained a victory beggary being the certain lot of the Irish over others did not possess sufficient virtue Roman Catholics, and more than insinu- to extend that conquest to themselves. ates a wish that the Protestant Dissenters The Protestant population, the leaders in were in the same state. Henry Boyle, this struggle, had not public spirit enough the the first earl of Shannon, too, who, as one to share the fruits of victory with the great of the lords justices, was in the govern- body of the people, and therefore they ment of Ireland more than twenty-five fell. I trust their fate will afford a saluyears, in a Sketch of Ireland, written in tary lesson to every country, and impress 1747, states a principal cause why so great on them the conviction that, by complete and fruitful a country produced so little, consolidation of interests alone, can they and advanced so slowly towards improve- avoid a similar calamity. I ought to add ment to be the penal code, " discouraging (what, indeed, is most deserving the atthe labour and industry of the Papists, tention of the House), during this triumph though three-fourths of the arts, industry, of Ireland in the absence of military force, and labour of the country must be neces- and whilst she thus nobly exerted herself sarily carried on by their hands," and to take her rank amongst the nations, the adds, "until some happy temper can be laws were better obeyed than during any upon so as to make our apprehen- period of her history. Every one lent his sions from the Papists consist with our in- willing aid to enforce their execution. terest to employ them, Ireland can ad- What a great lesson to be drawn from vance but slowly in improvement." And this. Place a country in a state of conyet to measures of this nature Mr. Boyle cord with regard to itself, and the laws could not reconcile himself! So difficult will be obeyed; no longer seek to govern is it for men of even superior minds to by disunion or by sacrificing one class of disengage themselves from the fetters of the community, and the laws will be prejudice and bigotry! I may by the way obeyed. Why has not this memorable add, it appears from this paper, that nearly lesson of the weakness of that policy every fourth year from the Revolution had which would exclude from the full benefits been a year of scarcity, and in that in- of a free constitution the great body of terval nearly five millions were paid for the people, produced its full effect? Why imported corn and flour to feed the inha- has not Ireland resumed that happy situa bitants of that fertile island. tion? Why is not the spirit of her government assimilated to that of England? Here every man, however humble his condition, whatever his political tenets, feels an interest in the laws, and contributes to their execution, for they efficaciously protect him, and neither rank nor power can violate them with impunity.

ce

fallen

The septennial bill, passed in 1767, secured to a certain extent the connexion between the electors and elected: with this exception, Ireland felt little change in her situation till the year 1778. In that year the reverses of the American war left Ireland without a military force-and here commenced the era of her glory. I cannot draw such a happy picture of She was told to protect herself, and she the state of Ireland. This brilliant period did so. She protected herself from her of her history was transient; those who enemies abroad, and from her enemies at had been borne down by the unanimity home. The gallantry, the concord, and and spirit of the people, soon commenced the heroism of her sons placed her in a their efforts to weaken the principles situation to command respect, and she was which they could not resist, and the war respected-till she respected herself Bri- against independence was renewed, which tain did not respect her-Ireland then sought by disunion to degrade the people. first took her station amongst the nations Addresses from grand juries, bigotted and of the earth, when it ceased to be a di-inflammatory; whatever could revive dorvided nation. I discharge a debt of justice mant animosities and cherish forgotten due to him who sits beside me (Mr. Grat-jealousies was urged with active and too tan)-to him Ireland owes much; and to successful industry by the satellites of an whom she has in return testified her ardent old and corrupt monopoly of power. I (VOL. XXXIV.) (C)

wish to speak of these times with as much moderation and temper as possible; but I cannot trace the lamentable effects to their causes without stating my opinions to the House unreservedly; and whether I speak of the dead or living will anxiously abstain from crimination where public duty will allow. I come to the act of 1793-an act of paramount importance, but I will not blend the vital subject of Catholic emancipation with this discussion; it well de serves, and I doubt not will receive, the undivided attention of the House. Thus much, however, I will here say of that act: it is perfectly certain that Mr. Pitt and lord Melville would have extended its provisions much farther could they have obtained the concurrence of the Irish government-but they worked with unwilling instruments. How otherwise account for the anomalous nature of that statute, and the capriciousness of its relaxation and exclusion? Why the road to distinction closed totally to the bar, and opened largely to the army? Can this be traced to any other cause than the powerful influence of a great legal character, who, inimical to all concession, claimed that, at least, the honours of his own profession should form an exception?

niary resources, far beyond her due proportion. Sixty-seven millions have been paid into the exchequer by taxes since the union, at the annual rate of four mil. lions and a half, whilst in the fifteen preceding years her taxes did not exceed one million and a half. She has, therefore, trebled her taxation, and made exertions exceeding her strength. In proof of this assertion, look to the various measures proposed by her finance ministers. Had they answered the estimates of their authors, the taxation of Ireland would now have approached ten millions, instead of five and a half. They overrated the ability of their country. The debt, too, has swelled in this period from 34 to nearly 150 millions. If Ireland has thus fulfilled her part of the contract,-if her money and her blood have been thus largely contributed to her utmost means, may she not claim, in return from the imperial parliament, a completion of the compactthat some inquiry shall be instituted into her state-that a country, possessing six millions of inhabitants, an active and an intelligent race of men, placed in the most temperate climate of the globe, with every blessing of nature largely poured out on it, may no longer remain a source of alarm to the empire, but become a pillar of strength?-Why is this? Can the tranquillity of Ireland be less an object than that of any portion of Great Britain? Will you-can you-continue to rest for security in Ireland on a garrison of 25,000 men? I acquiesced in that measure, expressly as one of temporary necessity, to put down outrage and crime, but not permanent. Were such a system permanent, not 25,000 but 50, not 50 but 100,000 men would be insufficient to keep down Ireland. They have fought in the ranks with you, and you know their gallantry and their spirit such as would never brook this undeserved treatment. It is the duty of parliament to take care their blood has not been shed in vain; and that as they have shared with you in your triumphs, they shall share the fruits of conquest-internal tranquillity and peace. They claim it from your justice-not as favour, but a right.

Subsequent unhappy changes dashed the cup from the lips of the people when they were about to taste it, and led to all the dreadful consequences which ensued. Over that calamitous period, I would, as bound in duty, draw a veil, and proceed to the legislative union under which we are here assembled. The pledge necessarily, and indeed specifically involved in that measure was, that of effectual inquiry into, and redress of the evils affecting Ireland, redress which it was alleged an imperial parliament was more competent to afford and likely to extend than a local legislature. On what other principle could any but the most corrupt have acceded to such a compact, involving the surrender of national independence? I might on this head refer with safety to the noble lord in the blue ribbon. Look to the records of parliament from the union, and see how few the acts of grace or favour to Ireland! then turn to the page of history and count the sacrifices she has What has been the history of the stamade in finance, in exertions, and in tute book since the union, but a catalogue blood! She has fought by your side of Habeas Corpus suspensions and insurthrough every danger to which you have rection acts. On one head, indeed, the been exposed, with a gallantry and a self-imperial parliament has made an exception, devotion never surpassed by any nation. and done ample justice to the expectations She has contributed, too, from her pecu- of Ireland-I mean the relaxation of com+

the executive government can alone apply a remedy, by discountenancing that course which it has too often pursued. Those then who traduce and vilify the great body of their countrymen, should feel that such conduct can never lead to power or emolument.

mercial jealousy; and with that relaxation have grown those resources which she has largely poured forth for common defence. -The noble lord (Castlereagh) must know the danger of delay, and feel that many desirable arrangements might heretofore have been more efficacious than even at present;-each year's delay dimi- If I am now asked why at an earlier nishes their efficacy, and I will add their period I have not proposed to the House safety. And here let me ask, why are a similar inquiry, I answer, in 1804 I Orange associations still suffered to divide urged it ineffectually. From that time the land? Why still permitted to agitate the country has been engaged in unthe public mind by the insulting badges remitted and extended warfare; but to of exclusive loyalty and party triumph? some of the labours of 1806, the statute When their introduction here was at- book will bear testimony. I know no tempted, the noble lord, the member for danger so great as that of discontented Liverpool, all sides of the House pro- subjects. We are now arrived at a season claimed their illegality and reprobated the of profound tranquillity; and if the House attempt. Would Scotland now be tran- shall decide that no attempt shall be made quil if the victory of Culloden had been to trace to their source those evils which annually celebrated in Edinburgh? Much afflict Ireland, and endanger the empire, is to be forgiven on all sides, and the veil, it will be my duty to bow to their decithe salutary veil of oblivion should not be sion, but I shall then deeply deplore the drawn aside by every rash intruder who day which connected Ireland to this counwould mark the great body of the people try by legislative union. Never has such as disaffected to the state. Illicit distilla- a favourable moment presented itself,tion is a source of much evil to Ireland, and with unfeigned sorrow should I see it demoralizing her people, and encroaching pass away unprofitably. I am astonished on her scanty resources of taxation. It that the ministers who have, by the disis, as I fear, too much protected by indi- turbed state of Ireland, justified their claim viduals of rank and power, and largely for extended military force, do not thempractised by the professors of exclusive selves propose remedial measures: one and loyalty. No man, however high in station, one only, has been adverted to-education. should be allowed to protect his depen- Of its superior efficacy, no man can think dents in a course of disobedience to law, more highly than I do, as providing nor should alleged loyalty secure any largely for future amelioration. class of the community from sharing the we look to this as a remedy for existing burthens of the state. Parliament has in- evils? I may be permitted, too, to say deed contributed to the extension of this that if by education be intended the caparuinous course, by that monstrous act city of reading and writing, I believe the which, remitting penalties incurred to Irish are not an uneducated people; cerhighly offending districts, sanctioned that tainly not as compared with the people of shocking principle, that in the enormous England: the reports before the House extent of his offences the delinquent should prove this. Mr. Newnham, in a work find his best security. The office of high containing much useful information, states, sheriff, here accounted burthensome, is in from actual inquiry, that in a district comIreland a cause of political contest, and prising about one half of the county of the appointment and means of attaching Cork, there were upwards of 300 unenpowerful individuals to the government of dowed schools, educating not less than the day. It has been strongly, but I be- 22,000 children; and here I have to inlieve truly, said in another place that this stance conduct highly honourable to a office in its execution is radically vicious Roman Catholic clergyman, Mr. O'Brien -so vicious, said a noble lord, that jus- of Doneraile, who having established a tice is poisoned at its source.e.-To the Catholic school, and endowed it with one subject of grand juries I will not advert; half of his private property, offered to subit is in a train of exact and, I hope, effec- scribe to the establishment of a Protestant tual inquiry. The tithe system too, well school in that parish, as largely, in prodeserves minute investigation, as largely portion to his means, as any other pacontributing to the disorganization of Ire- rishioner;-this I consider as real liberality, land. Another evil afflicts us, to which without any object but the common good;

But can

sionate judgment, most adequate to effect the extirpation of those evils, with which Ireland is afflicted, and to rescue that fair portion of the empire, from its present depression and disorganization.”

The motion having been read from the

and I would say to the clergy of every
persuasion through the empire," Go and
do thou likewise.' Education can how-
ever be no cure for the political evils of
Ireland, unless accompanied by radical
reform of the present vicious system;-it
has grown out of the accumulated misgo-chair,
vernment of many centuries, and it is the
bounden duty of parliament to institute
exact inquiry into the causes and effects
of that system-to search it to the bottom,
and neither to be allured nor deterred
from the path of duty by prejudice or
power. No class of men, great or small,
should be allowed to impede reform; but
with a steady and firm hand, parliament
should carry through the measures neces-
sary to the welfare and the security of
the state. I move you,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, humbly to represent, that the necessity of providing an army of 25,000 men in time of profound peace, to secure the internal tranquillity of Ireland, obliges us to consider the state of that great, valuable, and interesting portion of the united kingdom, as most distressing and afflicting to the legislature, and dangerous in an extreme degree to the well-being of the empire:

66

That we feel ourselves imperiously called upon by a sense of public duty, to direct to the consideration of this important subject our earnest and undivided attention:

"That we therefore pray his royal highness may be pleased to order, that there be laid before us, with convenient speed, such documents as may put us fully in possession of the extent and nature of the evils which demand the temporary application of this great military force, and may enable us to proceed with active and unceasing energy to their complete investigation:

"That we have armed the executive government, with all the means requisite to suppress tumult, and punish outrage, and we would now apply all our powers to a deliberate examination of the existing evils, and the causes from whence they originate, as the surest foundation for our affording to his royal highness the cordial and active concurrence of this House in such measures as shall be proposed for their effectual removal, and for adopting such other wholesome and efficacious remedies, formed in the spirit of British constitutional legislation, as may appear to our dispas

Mr. Peel rose. He said, he trusted that the House, when they considered the important nature of the discussion then before them, and the necessity which he should be under of offering explanations upon the character and intentions of that government with which he had been connected, as well as other opinions more peculiarly connected with himself, would do him the justice to believe that he could not approach the subject without considerable anxiety. In the first place, he wished to render his acknowledgment to the right hon. baronet for the tone and temper of moderation which he had generally displayed. rally displayed. He said generally, for with one or two exceptions he had carefully and judiciously avoided mixing up other matters relating to the affairs of Ireland, with that peculiar view of her present condition, which it was the proposed object of the right hon. baronet's motion to bring under the consideration of the House. The right hon. baronet had abstained from examining the conduct of this or that administration, and had most wisely confined his attention to the general question of the distresses and grievances which agitated Ireland. adopting that course, he thought the right hon. baronet had conferred a substantial benefit upon the country. It had been too much the custom, in discussing the interests of Ireland, to mingle them with considerations of party, a proceeding which he must always deprecate, for though there might be vicissitudes of defeat on one side, and triumph on the other, yet many bad passions were arrayed on both, and the consequences were most unfortunate for the country, which was the scene of such political contentions. Nothing but desolation and disaster could result from them. It was therefore his intention to follow the example which the right hon. baronet had so laudably set.

With respect to the motion of the right hon. baronet, he thought he was rather precipitate in the conclusions which he drew as to its probable reception, and indeed he heard those inferences with considerable surprise, when he seemed to