dearer than that article, from which his poverty already debars him?

Such was the general nature, such the origin and course of this terrible visitation which afflicted Ireland. It appeared suddenly; because as each peasant raised his own food on his own little piece of ground, the deficiency of the supply was not indicated, nor the consumption checked in time, by an early rise in the market price. It was confined to certain districts; both because the potato crop had failed more decidedly there than elsewhere, and because potatos constituted more exclusively there the food of the population, than in many parts of Ulster and Leinster. It continued its ravages, notwithstanding the abundant supply of food in the markets of the adjacent provinces; because the peasants of Connaught and Munster could not pay the money price which oats and potatos usually bore in those markets, and consequently, these commodities would not, by the spontaneous course of commerce be brought from places, whose opulence ensured them an advantageous sale, to a quarter where the inhabitants, though starving, had nothing to give for the food which might save them from the jaws of death. Lastly, the famine-thus sudden in its appearance-thus circumscribed as by a magic circle in its sphere of operation-thus irremediable by the spontaneous course of things, raged with extreme severity in respect both of the sufferings and of the numbers of its victims; partly, because the population being even in ordinary times reduced far below the level of easy subsistence, every morsel now withheld from them was, not

a mere diminution of comfort, but a subtraction from the minimum of human subsistence; not the denial of a luxury, but the destruction of life; and partly, because, almost the whole population consisting of those who lived by manual labour, and those who were placed in easy circumstances being very few, in proportion to the number of that class among us, nearly all belonged to the ranks of the sufferers, and there were scarcely any, who from their own superfluities could administer to the wants of their neighbours.

When the scarcity of food began to be very apparent, the gentry immediately addressed representations on the subject, to the Irish government. Clare was one of the districts in which it appeared the earliest, and at the assizes for that county, it occupied the attention of the grand jury. The result of their deliberations was, an application to the lord lieutenant, and the amount of the relief claimed for that single county, was no less than four hundred thousand pounds. The Irish government proceeded with equal humanity and prudence. They knew that it was impossible to take upon themselves the responsibility of subsisting a whole people, and that to pretend to do so would produce nothing but mischief. But they immediately took proper means to ascertain in a detailed form, the degree of distress which existed or was apprehended, and to what extent the gentry could or would contribute to the relief of the peasantry. A committee was then formed in Dublin, by the order of the lord lieutenant, for the purpose of communicating with the districts in which the greatest

pressure was felt; and the remainder of a sum of 250,000l.,* which by former acts was left in his excellency's hands to meet contingencies that might occur, was placed at their disposal. Engineers were sent to see what works could be undertaken, that would afford occupation to the people; and by means of the funds thus supplied, many improvements of a local and private nature were begun. The labour thus called into action was not for the most part of any considerable immediate use'; but it was a channel by which food was distributed among those who must otherwise have perished. To augment the means of relief, a farther sum of 250,000l. Irish currency, was placed at the disposal of the Irish government; and they were likewise empowered to advance money for the undertaking or completion of any work, public or private, on the security of the rates thence arising or expected to arise. The gentry of the country too, and the different public bodies, exerted themselves zealously in contributing funds for the alleviation of the evil, and in applying them in the most advantageous

manner.

Probably, however, more was done towards the mitigation of the distress by the spontaneous charity of Great Britain, than by any other means. When the misery, that pervaded Munster and Connaught, became known here, every heart overflowed with sympathy, and almost every purse was opened. A committee was formed in London, which, from the subscriptions of individuals, had soon munificent funds at its commands. The ex

* 58 Geo. III, c. 88, and 1 Geo. IV, c. 81.

ample of the metropolis was everywhere imitated; nor was there a town of any note in the island, which did not hold its public meetings for promoting the success of this labour of love. Those, who were not rich enough to come forward as individual subscribers, found opportunities of obeying the impulse of humanity in the collections which were made in the churches. The theatres too, and the various places of amusement volunteered their services for the same good cause; but it was a somewhat curious result, that, with the exception of a splendid fête given at the Opera-house, and honoured by the presence of his majesty, this source of charity proved altogether unproductive. The sums collected for admission were barely sufficient to pay the expenses of the entertainment; so that there was never anything left for the purposes of charity. The people contributed directly for the relief of their fellow subjects, with a noble munificence; but they did not appear inclined to contribute indirectly through the medium of a theatre. The amusements of luxury did not accord well, in their minds, with the works of charity: charity the price paid for the purchase of a sensual pleasure, could never, in their eyes, be alms given to the

poor.

The committees in the different. parts of the country corresponded with that in London, and remitted to it the sums which they collected. The total amount of contributions, exceeded 250,000l. ; and the diligence and prudence exerted in the application of the fund were not less praiseworthy, than the generous feeling which had created it. The London eommitted established communications

with active individuals, with committees, and with public bodies in the different quarters of the distressed part of Ireland, and administered everywhere the relief that was most appropriate. Where there was food enough in the neighbouring markets, and all that was wanted was money to purchase it, money was remitted: where money would not have been sufficient, potatos, oats, and other cheap species of food, were purchased and conveyed with diligence to the scene of suffering.

By all these different means, but most of all, by the efficacious exertions of British charity, the ravages of famine were arrested; so that the first dawning of the evil was the period of the greatest suffering, and its severity became less, as its duration was prolonged. Had Ireland been left to herself, or had she been united to a country less opulent than England, or less trained up to habits of munificent benevolence, it is impossible to conceive the extent of the horrors that must have followed. In the month of June, there were in the county of Clare alone (the whole population of which, is little more than two hundred thousand), 99,639 persons, subsisting on charity from hour to hour; in Cork, there were 122,000 individuals in the same situation; and in the city of Limerick, out of a population of 67,000, there were 20,000 who had not a morsel to eat except what pity gave. The magnitude of the relief afforded, may be estimated by such facts; but the extent of that relief, great as it was, is a very inadequate measure of the horrors and misery which it averted.

The approach of the new crop of potatos put an end to this terri

ble visitation, in the beginning of Autumn. The London committee continued its sittings and its activity throughout the whole of August: and in September it terminated its labours. Notwithstanding the liberality with which they had distributed food throughout the whole of the Western part of Ireland, there remained unemployed a surplus of many thousand pounds. The sums sent to Ireland had been so large, as to leave in the hands of the archbishop of Tuam, 3 or 4,000l. unappropriated, and a sum of nearly equal amount, in the hands of other individuals who had distinguished themselves in this benevolent work. In addition to this surplus of the remittances sent to Ireland, the committee at the city of London-tavern found, on winding up their accounts, that they had still at their disposal considerable funds. It therefore became a subject of deliberation, how this balance might be best appropriated: and it was disposed of in the following manner:-5,000l. was voted for providing and distributing necessary articles of clothing for the poor in the distressed parts of Ireland, with the view of contributing to their comfort and health during the ensuing Autumn and Winter; 5,000l. more was voted for the encouragement of the fisheries along the coast of that part of Ireland where the distress was lately so prevalent, and where, from the want of employment, its recurrence might be apprehended, if a stimulus were not given to the industry of the poor. The facilities for fishing afforded by nature on the Western coast of Ireland, are great, and the advantages to the inhabitants of that district, as well as to the empire generally, from the promo

tion of that branch of industry, are obvious. Yet, on several parts of the coast, the poor people, in endeavouring to obtain their subsistence from the ocean, still use the small wicker boat covered with hides, which is among the first inventions of the lowest state of social existence. Besides these two sums, the large one of 40,000l. was voted for the encouragement of the linen manufacture in the Southern provinces; and was to be applied more especially, in fostering those younger and coarser branches of the trade, which must necessarily be first cultivated, with a view to its future success in higher branches. A sum of 8,000l. was also voted for the general purpose of improving the condition of the Irish poor. The last appropriation consisted of 3,000l., voted to two associations of ladies which had been recently formed for the relief and employment of the lower classes in the sister country.

The Insurrection act, and that for the suspension of the efficacy of the writ of habeas corpus, were to expire on the first of August; no committal had taken place under the latter of these acts; and no renewal of it was sought: but the continuance of the additional powers conferred by the former, was deemed necessary to the public safety; and accordingly, early in July, a bill was introduced prolonging their duration till the 1st of August, 1823. The principal debate on it, occurred in the House of Commons, on the 8th of July; when Mr. Goulburn moved its committal. The expediency of the measure was maintained chiefly by Mr. Goulburn and Mr. Plunkett: and the substance of their argument was, that experience had proved the efficacy of the

Insurrection act, and that, though the situation of Ireland was much improved, the disorders, of which it was still the scene, were too numerous, and of too grave a character, to be met by the ordinary course of law. As a specimen of these disorders, Mr. Goulburn mentioned that in one district of Tipperary, seven houses had been burned, and nine attacked and robbed of arms, and one murder committed, within the short space of ten days. He added, and with great truth, that the real nature of the evil lay not so much in the numbers, as in the peculiar and distinctive character of the outrages committed. They all bore the marks of a systematic attempt to exalt the power of the populace above the law. They were in general preceded by a notice, which prescribed a certain line of conduct to some individual: and his disobedience was punished by the destruction of his property, or of himself and his family. Another alarming feature of the Irish outrages, was, that they presented à systematic diligence in the infliction of vengeance on those, who were in any way instrumental in bringing criminals to justice. The duty of giving evidence in a court was become one of the most hazardous services that could be undertaken in Ireland: so hazardous, that, as the best means of protecting the witness, it was now the usual course to commit him to one gaol, while the culprit was sent to another. In a recent instance, even this precaution had been unavailing: a witness, previous to giving evidence, had been induced to quit for a single day, the prison to which he had been sent as to a place of security; and, on that very day, he fell by the

hands of assassins. According to a statement made by Mr. Plunkett, there had been in the county gaol of Cork, a hundred witnesses seeking security in the abode of guilt, from the terrorists who desolated the country.

Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Spring Rice, took the most prominent part in opposing the measure. Sir Robert Wilson proved very satisfactorily, that all discretionary powers are liable to abuse; and he attempted to show, that to render Ireland a perfect paradise, three things only, were necessary: -Catholic emancipation-the abolition of tithes and the education of the lower orders. In what way, the excellence of these measures, even if admitted, disproved the propriety of the bill under discussion, the General did not endeavour to show. Mr. Spring Rice met the question more fairly; directing his argument chiefly against that clause, which gave the magistrates the power of convicting without the intervention of a jury. He admitted that the Insurrection act would be useful in quieting disturbed districts. The crime, to which it referred, was fairly described, and the punishment attached to that crime was not too great. But he protested against the principle of superseding the trial by jury-a principle introduced, not only without cause, but with the most decisive evidence the other way. If juries had been found unwilling or unable to do their duty, then, perhaps, he would not have blamed the legislature for dispensing with that great constitutional bulwark. Such a measure, however, could only be one of great emergency. But how stood the case here? Since the disturbances in the county of

Limerick, the trial by jury had been resorted to. Two special commissions had been held, and one, if not both, of these commissions was attended by the present attorney-general for Ireland. No jurors could have assembled under circumstances of greater terror and apprehension, than prevailed at the two periods. The circumstances were such as might have shaken the resolution even of the most constant and firm-minded men; yet, though placed in this perilous situation, it was impossible for any juries to behave with a more undaunted spirit. Then if the experiment of trial by jury had been attempted under all possible disadvantages, and if it had been found to answer every purpose of substantial justice; what good reason could be adduced for suspending the great constitutional right of the country? It was in the power of the magistrates, under this bill, to try the accused party without a jury; and it was also in their power to extend to the prisoner, if they pleased, the merciful interposition of a jury. But surely a jury trial ought to have been the rule, and not the exception.

There was, undoubtedly, considerable weight in this objection; but it was forgotten amid the mass of heterogeneous matter which the other speakers introduced into the debate; so that the ministers eluded its force by not attempting to make any answer to it. They probably might have replied, that the attendance of juries at the assizes, and special commissions, was only of short duration, and that it was easy to assemble them from the whole extent of a county: that the special sessions, on the contrary, instituted by the