erable time in French society, and is then sudden- | phans; in making clothes and linen for the desly transported back again into that of Germany. titute, and numerous other occupations of the Among the inmates of the "Hôtel des Invasame kind. We cannot but regard with astonlides," that living memorial of the era of the em- ishment the activity of these slight delicate chilpire, Louis Philippe does not bear a very good dren of noble families, for the Faubourg St. character. "He is not a good soldier, you see; Germain is the chief seat of charity, in their he would give millions to avoid a war. He sympathy for their suffering fellow creatures; has not even spirit enough to make an end of that how these elegant Parisians, apparently wholly affair in Africa—he is a coward; the Emperor immersed in the pursuit of pleasure do not shun and he- they were sworn enemies." It is the severest labor in order to gain honor with astonishing how durable popular fancies and their "occupations." Here Berlin and Vienna prejudices prove to be in France. Thus the an- have much to learn from Paris. It is also worthy cient "feast of beans' on Twelfth-day has sur- of notice that the French cannot at all enter invived wholly unimpaired the entire period of the to the idea of English workhouses. They look Revolution, and amidst all the horrors of anar- upon them solely in the light of prisons "where chy every family on that day chose its king. it has been accurately calculated how much food a man requires in order not to starve." 99 The third volume is devoted almost entirely to religious interests, and we are pleased to find that the author has avoided all sectarian bias, and has left political and economical relations to other pens. That which is called " "charity " and "works of charity," active sympathy with the suffering and oppressed brother, flourishes in France with unusual vigor. And this is one of the most beautiful features of the French world, and especially of the world of women. It may be the case that fashion and vanity have now and then some share in this universal, self-denying delight in doing good; but this fashion could not have arisen, if French women had not been naturally so much inclined to active sympathy. Fashion exercises her dominion among us likewise; but neither here nor in England has she been able to produce the same results. The author dwells at length upon the operations of the "Sisters of Charity" within and without their institutions, and then goes on to speak of the "secular sisters," who count one of their number in almost every family of comfortable circumstances. Here and there "works" (œuvres), that is the technical term, may be regarded as a remedy for "ennui"; but not unfrequently the" ladies of charity" are admirable in their self-devotion, and we know of no more beautiful employment for a young lady of rank than "to be engaged in her works" (d'être dans ses œuvres). These "works" consist in searching out the timid poor, in nourishing and supporting them; in nursing the sick, either alone or with one of their companions; in making collections for charitable purposes; in setting in motion their friends, lovers, uncles, aunts; demanding contributions from them and distributing the proceeds in seventh and eighth stories; in collecting for the poor at the church doors; in founding and maintaining beneficent societies for some good objects; in even studying the rudiments of surgery in order to be able to give active aid to the aged poor; in seeking out and educating or The excellent administration of the poor-laws in Paris is the subject of another instructive chapter. There are no professional beggars, who live by begging, in Paris, not even at the church doors. The author describes minutely the Protestant charitable institutions, the asylum of the deaconnesses (maison des diaconesses) the Quaker and Methodist meetings, the royal schools, St. Denis and the distribution of prizes. The chapter headed "Excursions" is adorned with all the charms of elegant and vivid representation; then follow miscellaneous observations which compare with good effect old times and new; absolutism (le pouvoir absolu) and its followers; the Bonapartists; the striking contrasts in which Paris is so rich that it has been called a "tourbillon des insensibles;" la belle France and merry England; and other attractive subjects of the same kind. The work concludes with a comparison between Paris and the country, which is daily gaining in importance; and characterizes the "Southerner (l'homme du Midi)," the "Normand," the "Gascon," and terminates with a sketch on physiognomical principles of Parisian society, which collects once more as in a focus the scattered observations of the gifted author, and groups them into one beautiful picture. She concludes with these words: "Thus life in Paris is lightly and brilliantly wound off the reel. It is only to be lamented that one uses up the material so much too fast; 'on use sa vie trop vite à Paris,' is a phrase as full of meaning as it is true; one's nerves need be cords, one's muscles of iron, if one would live happily in Paris." We have nothing to add to this account except that we hope that it will find numerous readers. Many a prejudice, many a misunderstanding, of which the French have a right to complain, would then vanish, and the cause of philanthropy would be not a little the gainer.Blätter für Literarische Unterhaltung, 1847. No. 80. THE ANGLO-NORMANS. Biographia Britannica Literaria. A Lit- "THE study of liberty is almost entirely contained in the study of history." One of the greatest proficients in this study has made the following emphatic statement: "Liberty -- the first social want and condition-has yielded nowhere but to force and an armed conquest. It is terror alone that has made slaves among men of every race. Open history at any part you will, take at hazard the climate and epoch, if you meet with a colony of men, whether enlightened or still savage, living under a system of servitude, be certain that in looking back you will find a conquest, and that these men are the conquered. Similarly, if you mark a population quartered in some inaccessible place, who have preserved it against the invasion of a foreign race, be sure that on visiting it, you will find liberty there. This perpetual distinction is the key of social history."* A key, however, with which few historians are acquainted. The standing-point with writers of this class, in general, is not the field or the street where the vanquished population, despoiled of their property and their rights, toil and suffer, but the castles and palaces of their masters. Attracted by physical power, dazzled by the false splendor of courts, their heroes are not patriots struggling for freedom, the dearest possession and the divine right of man; but the royal or imperial robbers who have made flourishing nations desolate. Armies, battles, victories, confiscations, court intrigues, and the fortunes of royal families often vicious imbeciles, who never uttered a thought or performed a deed with the design of benefiting mankind-these are the themes of popular and school histories. According to them, man, as man, is essentially ignoble. His intellect, his virtue, his divine likeness, go for nothing. If he is socially unfortunate, he is morally degraded. Successful wickedness alone can elevate him so as to give him a prominent place on the page of history, and a niche in the temple of fame. The English nation consists of complex elements. To know it truly it must be analysed; and this cannot be done while these elements flow on together in the mighty stream of modern society. We must go back to the past, examine *H. Thierry's Historical Essays. Ess. XV. the confluent forces at the moment of their meeting, and trace their conflict downward, yielding more and more as they advance to a peaceful homogeneousness and a patriotic unity. It was thus that Sir Walter Scott, whom a high authority has pronounced "the greatest master of historical divination that ever existed," was enabled to produce his Ivanhoe. In this splendid creation of his unrivalled genius, he exhibits the Normans and Saxons, conquerors and conquered, still trembling before one another 120 years after the Conquest. At "The novel of Ivanhoe places us four generations after the invasion of the Normans. this period the historian Hume can only present to us a King of England, without telling us what a king is, or what he means by England; while Walter Scott, entering profoundly into the examination of events, shows us classes of men distinct interests and conditions-two nations a double language - customs which repel and combat each other; —on one side tyranny and insolence, on the other misery and hatred—real developments of the drama of the Conquest, of which the battle of Hastings was only the prelude. Many of the vanquished have perished, many yielded to the yoke, but many still protest against it. The Saxon slave has not forgotten the liberty of his fathers, nor found repose in bondage. To him his masters are still foreign usurpers. He feels his dependence, and does not believe it to be a social necessity. He knows what were his rights to the inheritance which he no longer possesses. The conqueror, on his side, does not yet disguise his domination under a vain and false appearance of political aristocracy. He calls himself Norman, not gentleman. It is as a Norman soldier he reigns over those who submitted to the sword of his ancestors. find in him the vain and distrustful conqueror, attributing the origin of his fortune to the superiority of his nature; believing himself of a better race and purer blood; qualifying his race with the epithet of noble; employing, on the contrary, the name of Saxon as an injurious epithetsaying that he kills a Saxon without scruple, and ennobles a Saxon woman by disposing of her against her will; pretending that his Saxon subjects possess nothing that is not his; and threatening, if they became rebellious, to scalp them." - (THIERRY.) We Hume relates that when Count de Varenne, who possessed 28 towns and 288 manors, was questioned as to his right of property, he drew his sword and said, “These are my titles. William the Bastard was not alone when he took possession | holy things into a snare, the question was sol of this soil; my ancestor was of the expedition." Let us, then, take a rapid view of the most striking and interesting features of this great revolution, which has left such deep traces in our national character, and in the political constitution of our country. We may thus learn more real history in a few pages than in many volumes of dry details, unpervaded by the influence of great primitive and vital facts. William, Duke of Normandy, was in his park near Rouen, trying a new bow and arrows, when he received tidings of the death of Edward, King of England, and of the elevation of Harold, son of Godwin, to the vacant throne. He suddenly became thoughtful, passed the bow to one of his men, crossed the Seine, and repaired to his hotel at Rouen. There he paced the great hall backwards and forwards, now sitting down, now has tily rising again, agitated by a mighty thought, which would not let him rest anywhere. "Sire," said one of his officers most familiar with him, "why should you conceal from us your news? It is commonly reported in the city that the King of England is dead, and that Harold, breaking his faith with thee, has seized the kingdom.""They say true; my chagrin is caused by Edward's death, and the wrong done me by Harold."-"Well, Sire, do not be angry about a thing which can be mended. For Edward's death there is no remedy; but for Harold's wrong there is. Yours is a good right, and you have valiant knights. Undertake boldly; that which is boldly undertaken is half accomplished." Soon after this a messenger from Normandy addressed King Harold in these words:-"William, Duke of the Normans, sends to remind thee of the oath which thou hast sworn to him with thy mouth, and with thy hand upon good and holy relics."- .""Tis true," replied the Saxon king, "that I took an oath to William; but I took it under constraint. I promised what did not belong to me a promise which I could not in any way perform. My royal authority is not my own. I could not lay it down against the will of the country; nor can I against the will of the country take a foreign wife. As for my sister, whom the Duke claims that he may marry her to one of his chiefs, she has died within the year: Would he have me send her corpse?" The first step William took for the establishment of his claim to the crown of England was to arraign the king for sacrilege before the Roman court, demanding that England should be laid under an interdict, and declared the property of him who should first take possession, subject to the Pope's approval. Though Harold disdained to defend himself before a foreign tribunal against one who had violated hospitality and converted emnly adjudicated by the cardinals, at that time guided and controlled by Hildebrand, to whose gigantic scheme of universal temporal as well as spiritual domination this quarrel might be made subservient. The sentence pronounced was, that William, Duke of Normandy, had a right to enter England, and bring it into obedience to the Holy See, and to reestablish for ever the tax of Peter's pence. Harold and all his adherents were excommunicated by a papal bull, which was transmitted to William by the hands of his envoy, with the gift of a banner, which had received the "Apostolic" blessing. In the meantime, say the Chronicles, William convoked a great assembly of the men of all classes in Normandy, of warriors, priests, and merchants, who possessed the greatest wealth and consideration. To them he unfolded his project, and solicited their assistance. Having retired for deliberation, there arose among them violent difference of opinion, and words ran high. The majority declared—"whatever he has to perform in his own country we will assist him in, as it is our duty to do; but we are not bound to aid him in conquering the country of others. Besides, if we were once to offer him double knight's service, and to follow him beyond the sea, he would make it a custom and right for the future, and would use it to oppress our children. It cannot and it shall not be so!" Groups of ten, twenty, and thirty, began to collect together and dispute; the tumult became general, and the meeting separated without coming to any decision. The William, though surprised and enraged at this result, suppressed his feelings, and adopted a plan which has rarely failed in the hands of men in power to overcome popular resistance. He sent for the leaders of the opposition, and conversed with them separately, entreating them as a personal favor, to assist him in the expedition, and promising them rich rewards. No one had heart, when thus solicited, to refuse his sovereign in such an emergency. One subscribed for vessels, another for well-appointed men-at-arms; and many promised to accompany him in person. priests gave their money, the merchants their stuffs, the country people their provisions. At this juncture the consecrated banner, authorizing the invasion, arrived from Rome. This visible token of what that age considered divine sanction, added sacredness to the cause, and kindled the enthusiasm of the multitude. Mothers now sent their sons to enlist for the salvation of their souls. William had his proclamation of war speedily published in the neighboring countries, offering good pay and the plunder of England to every tall and stout man who would serve him with spear, sword, or crossbow. A multitude came from Maine, | they encamped, erected their tents and wooden castles, and furnished them with provisions. In the meantime, bodies of soldiers overran all the neighboring country, plundering and burning as they went. The English fled from their homes, concealed their furniture and cattle, and flocked to the churches and church-yards, which they naturally thought the most secure asylums from enemies who were Christians like themselves. But they found the sanctity of places a poor defence against the cupidity of the human heart. by all roads from far and nearAnjou, Poitou, Brittany, France, Aquitaine, Burgundy, Piedmont, and the banks of the Rhine. "All the adventurers by profession, all the outcasts of Western Europe, came eagerly, and by forced marches. Some were cavaliers - others simply foot soldiers. Some asked pay in money - others only for a passage and all the booty they could make. Many stipulated for land among the English—a demesne, a castle, or a town, while others would be satisfied with some rich Saxon woman for a wife. William rejected no one, but promised favors to all, according to his ability." One Remi of Fescamp fancied a Saxon bishopric, and William gave him one in prospect on his furnishing a ship and 20 men-at arms. The fleet assembled at the mouth of the Dive, where it was detained a month by unfavorable winds. During this dispiriting delay, sickness and death began to thin the Norman ranks. The soldiers murmured and repented of the enterprise-exclaiming, “Mad and foolish is the man who seeks to possess himself of another's kingdom; God is offended at such designs, and shows his displeasure by refusing us a fair wind." Even the strong mind of the Duke became the prey of anxiety. He had the dead secretly buried at night, and added ardent spirits to the rations of the men. Policy also suggested the expediency of a grand procession of relics, in order to revive the drooping faith of his followers. By a lucky coincidence the wind suddenly changed - the sun shone out through the clouds in splendor, and the fleet put out to sea, led on by the Duke's vessel, bearing at the masthead the banner of the Pope, and having the Norman ensign of three lions painted on the many-colored sails. Harold, though weary and wounded after his victory, hastened from York to defend his country, which he rashly resolved to risk in a battle with an army four times as numerous as his own. Against this, several of his chiefs remonstrated, advising him to retire to London, ravaging the country by the way, in order to reduce the enemy by famine. But the generous Harold answered, "Shall I ravage the country which has been intrusted to my care? Upon my faith it would be an act of treason! I will rather try the chances of a battle with the few men I have, and trust to my own valor and the goodness of my cause." One of his officers said, “ We must fight; they come not only to ruin us, but to ruin our descendants also, and take from us the country of our ancestors." The English promised, by an unanimous oath, to make neither peace, nor truce, nor treaty with the invader, but either to die or expel the Normans. On the ground which thenceforward bore the name of Battle, the Anglo-Saxon lines occupied a long chain of hills, fortified with a rampart of stakes and osier hurdles. In the night of the 13th October, William announced that next day would commence the battle. The priests and monks, in great numbers, attracted like the soldiers with the hope of booty, began to say prayers and sing litanies, while the fighting men were preparing their arms. This done, they confessed their sins and received the sacrament. On the other side, the English diverted themselves with great noise, singing their old national songs around their watch-fires, and drinking freely of wine and beer. In the morning, the Bishop of Bayeux, who was the Duke's half brother, cele On the 28th of September, 1066, William reached the English shore, with 700 ships and 60,000 fighting men. They landed at Pevensey, near Hastings, three days after king Harold's victory over their friends the Norwegians. First came forth the archers with their short habits and shorn heads. The cavaliers appeared next, clad in coats of mail, and wearing helmets of polished iron, nearly of a conical shape, armed with long and heavy lances, and straight two-brated mass in the Norman camp, and solemnly edged swords. After these came the workmen of the army, pioneers, carpenters, and smiths; and, last of all, the destined conqueror himself, who, in setting his foot on the land, made a false step, and fell on his face. "God preserve us! a bad omen!" cried the multitude. "What is the matter with you?" promptly demanded the Duke; "I have seized on this land with both my hands, and, by the splendor of God, as much as there is of it, it is yours!" The army then marched to the town of Hastings, near which blessed the soldiers. He then mounted a large white horse, seized a baton of command, and drew up the cavalry in line of battle. William, mounted on a Spanish charger,-the most venerated of the relics, sworn on by Harold, suspended from his neck, and the standard consecrated by the Pope borne by his side, — thus addressed the troops when about to advance to the charge: "Remember to fight well, and put all to death; for if we conquer, we shall all be rich. What I among the Saxon authorities. These intrigues were skilfully conducted by the prelates, some of whom advised submission to him who came with the banner of St. Peter, and the bull of the Pope, yielding a blind obedience to ecclesiastical power, or actuated by political cowardice. Others, of foreign origin, gained over beforehand by the Norman pretender, were playing the part for which they had been paid in money or in promises. Alarmed for the safety of the city, the gain, you will gain. If I conquer, you will conquer. If I take this land you shall have it. Know, however, that I am not come here only to obtain my right, but also to avenge our whole nation for the felonies, perjuries, and treacheries of these English. They put to death the Danes, men and women, on St. Brice's night. They decimated the companions of my kinsman, Alfred, and took his life. Come on, then, and let us, with God's blessing, chastise them for all these misdeeds." The priests then retired to a neigh-hanseward, or mayor, recommended that terms boring height to assist in the pious homicide with their prayers. At first, the Normans were repeatedly driven back- —a report went through the ranks that the Duke was dead, and a panic seized the army, which began a retreat; but with his accustomed presence of mind, he threw himself before them, pulled off his helmet, assured them of his safety, and promised them victory. Then, by a skilful manœuvre, he threw the English off their guard, drew them from their strong-holds, and won the day. King Harold, and his two brothers, were found dead at the foot of the national standard, which was instantly plucked up, and the Roman banner planted in its stead. The remains of the small English army, without chief or standard, prolonged the struggle till night, and fought on in the dark when the combatants could recognize one another only by their language, while the French shouts of victory resounded from hill to hill. Having thus done for their country all that valor could accomplish, the patriot soldiers dispersed. Many died on the roads, from their wounds and the fatigues of the day. The rest were pursued hotly by the Norman cavalry, who gave quarter to none. should be made with the ravaging invader. They sent a deputation to the camp, whom William outwitted and blinded with giftspromising every thing, but pledging himself to nothing. A vain confidence in his justice and clemency speedily took the place of stupefying terror. The highest dignitaries in church and state went forth, and formally made their submission, taking the oaths of peace and allegiance. He assured them upon his honor that he would treat them mildly; yet, on his way to London, he allowed all that lay in his course to be devastated. At St. Albans, he noticed some large trees across the road, evidently designed to obstruct his progress. He summoned the abbot, and sternly demanded why he allowed his timber to be thus cut down. "I have but done my duty," answered the Saxon monk, “and if all my order had done the same, as they might, and ought to have done, perhaps thou wouldst not have penetrated so far into our country." On Christmas day, William the Conqueror was crowned in Westminster Abbey, by the Archbishop of York. As soon as London and the southern and eastern coasts were secured, the soldiers applied themselves to the dividing of the booty. Commissioners were sent through the whole extent of the garrisoned country. They made exact inventories of all the estates, public and private, registering them with great care and minuteness in a record which was ex Thus perished in one day the Anglo-Saxon sovereignty, and the rich realm of England became the possession of strangers. The AngloSaxon chroniclers refer to this fatal day in the most mournful strains: 66 England," exclaims one, "what shall I say of thee to our descend-pressively called Doomsday Book by the Saxons. ants? That thou hast lost thy national king, and hast fallen under the dominion of foreigners, that thy sons have perished miserably,— that thy councillors and chieftains are vanquished, slain, or disinherited!" Long after this, patriotic superstition discerned traces of fresh blood on the battle-ground; and according to the religion of the times, William, who was pious in his way, made a vow that he would erect a monastery on this spot, to the Holy Trinity and St. Martin ! After dividing the spoils of the dead, the conquerors marched towards London, desolating the country as they advanced. In the meantime, Norman intrigues were busy in that city, taking advantage of the divisions which they fomented Of all who died in battle, of all who survived their defeat, and of all who intended to fight, but were prevented, the property of every kind was confiscated. The latter class, however, were permitted to hope, that by strict obedience to their new masters, not themselves, but their children, might obtain some portion of their paternal inheritance. Such was the law of conquest. By this confiscation, an immense amount of property was placed at the disposal of the newcomers. William, of course, kept to himself the lion's share. This embraced all the treasures of the ancient kings, and every thing rare and precious that could be found in the shops. A part of these he sent to Pope Alexander, together |