In a few days will be published, SCENES FROM THE LIFE OF EDWARD LASCELLES. REPRINTED FROM THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE, With Corrections and Additions by the Author, Two Vols. small 8vo. IN our last Number we offered a few observations on the meeting of the Metropolitan Conservative Association. Within the space to which necessity then limited us, it was impossible to give to this meeting the consideration to which its importance entitles it; we, therefore, return to the subject again, and as some additional meetings have since furnished us with an additional source of comment, we propose to make those proceedings the text of a few observations on the general subject of Protestant movements in Ireland. We are aware that, in approaching this subject we have many difficulties and many prejudices to contend with. We have the policy of the temporising, the cowardice of the faint-hearted, and perhaps, too, the intemperance of the violent to encounter. We shall endeavour calmly to lay our views before our readers, uninfluenced by any other considerations than a regard to what we believe the interests of Protestantism require. The subject upon which we write is one upon which we have thought much, and we have endeavoured to think deeply. We do not put forward opinions adopted without reflection; and we trust that in every thing we advance, we shall have reason to support our views. Ofone thing, at least, we are certain, that we shall not scruple to speak our sentiments plainly and undisguisedly, with out consulting how we may please any individual or any party. In contemplating the present state of political parties in Ireland, two facts present themselves so obviously to the mind, that it might hardly seem necessary to call attention to them and yet they are facts which seem altogether to be overlooked by VOL. IX. some Conservatives, who pride them selves upon being peculiarly prudent politicians. Let us place the two facts to which we allude in juxta position, for our reader's consideration. First. It is a fact, that the Conservative party in Ireland possess an immense preponderance of all the elements of the political power of the country. Secondly. It is a fact, that their opponents, inferior as they are in all the elements of strength, have defeated them in the struggle for political superiority, and have, at this moment, a majority of the representation of Ireland in their hands. These two facts, thus placed in their naked abstraction before the mind, are worth a thousand arguments. The most laboured essay to prove the necessity of Protestant exertion could not speak half as much as do these two simple and unanswerable facts. We will not insult the understanding of our readers by drawing from them the self-evident inference that the Conservatives have been deficient in exertion; and were we called on to argue with the most plausible of the advisers of Protestant inaction-and with regret we say it, there are such among them who profess a deep zeal for the Protestant cause-we would think it necessary to offer no other argument to refute their most ingenious sophistry, than a steady and constant repetition of these two indisputable statements. We may, perhaps, best throw our sentiments upon this subject into the shape of comment upon the recent proceedings by which Protestants in various parts of Ireland have manifested their determination to be energetic in the cause of truth. In addi B oita to the meeting of the Metropolitan Conservative Society, we have to notice several other most gratifying and cheering demonstrations of Protestant feeling in Ireland, singularly enough embracing within their compass the entire extent of the island. Literally from Cork to Carrickfergus the voice of Protestantism has been raised. Cork, Dublin, Enniskillen, Banbridge, and Ballymena, have all had their meetings with signal spirit and success. A few days more will add to the list the most splendid of them all-we mean, of course, the anniversary dinner of the Belfast Society and we trust that the spirit thus excited will not soon or easily subside, but that Protestants will unite wherever there is the pressure upon Protestantism, and in their union assuredly there will be strength. A brief sketch of the history of the Metropolitan Conservative Association may, perhaps, be neither uninstructive or inappropriate. There may be something in its progress to cheer the exertions of those who attempt, under discouragements, to carry out the great principle of Protestant union-the principle upon the practical development of which, we cannot disguise from ourselves, the very existence of Irish Protestantism depends. It was commenced, we believe, by eleven individuals, who felt the necessity of some bond of union between Protestants, and who acted on what they felt. Remembering the old and universally adopted proverb, "Dimidium facti qui cæpit habet," they determined that they would at least begin. They went straightforward to work, and formed themselves into a Protestant Association; and this is the nucleus from which originated that great and influential body, the Metropolitan Societya society including in its members upwards of a thousand persons of respectability and influence in their respective stations, and including in its members much of the rank and the talent of the country. The society had been for some time maturing their plans and carrying on their operations in silence, when it was proposed by some of their members that it would be desirable to hold a general meeting of the Association, to which persons not members might, under certain restrictions, be admitted, and of which the proceedings should be reported. This meeting was fixed for the 16th of November, and its proceedings furnish us with the text for these observations. It is the intention of the society to reprint the proceedings in the shape of a pamphlet. We have not, however, as yet been able to procure a copy, and we are obliged to take our extracts from the newspaper reports. To the character, the objects, and the proceedings of the Association, including in these last their general meeting, we have no hesitation in saying that we give an entire and unqualified approval. Our readers may perhaps recollect that some time since we stated our views on the occasion of the dissolution of the Orange Lodges.* We then recommended the formation of Protestant Associations, and the advice which we thought it our duty to offer, met, we believe, with the concurrence of most persons whose opinions were entitled to respect. The very same principles which then influenced us in offering that advice, now determine us in expressing our approval of the Metropolitan Association, and it only needs that its example should be generally followed to ensure for every part of Ireland an unobjectionable system of Protestant Union, of a character at once temperate and firm, meeting the wishes of the most ardent of our friends, and presenting no ground for the cavils of the most captious of our opponents. The objects of the Association have been fearlessly and honestly put forward-they are such as none but the enemies of Protestantism can take exception to. From the report of the Committee we take the following, which is the original declaration of the objects of the society, and presents the great principles which constitute, if we may so speak, the charter of its incorporation. Their objects as here put forward are— "To maintain by every means in our power the Protestant interests in Ireland. "To unite together all who are willing to make common cause in upholding the religion of the Reformation, and the principles of civil and religious liberty, of which, under God, it has been the foundation. "And for that purpose to employ such means as may seem advisable and cousti * See Dublin University Magazine for June 1836, vol. 7. tutional to facilitate and promote the registration of Protestant voters, and the dissemination of sound political and religious information amongst our Protestant brethren throughout the empire. "And to give, in every way, by the establishment of Loan Funds, and all such other means as may be practicable, protection and assistance to the humbler classes of Protestants." In this simple, brief, and yet com prehensive statement of the objects of the society, there is included every thing that ought to be the object of a Protestant association; and there is included nothing more. This statement of their objects is just in character with the entire spirit of the proceedings of the society-marked by temperance, calmness, and moderation, and yet, at the same time, presenting a full, and a steady, and an uncompromising declaration of principle: and in this union of firmness and mildness, there is a lesson, which we do not hesitate to say, the Protestants of Ireland needed to be taught. Some men have been too apt to confound integrity of principle with violence of expression, and to imagine that a furious partizan ship is the most unequivocal proof of attachment to the cause of truth-while others, again, still more foolishly imagined that the way to exhibit moderation was to compromise and give up some portion of principle. But it is cheering and gratifying to observe, that the Protestants of Ireland, are learning the truth, that, indeed to be consistent, it is not necessary to be intemperate, and that true moderation is something very far different indeed from a suppression or abandonment of principle. They have seen that it is the duty of the advocate of the cause of truth to declare the truth, and the whole truth; but it is equally his duty never to encumber that declaration with a single occasion of unnecessary offence. It is the double stamp of firm adherence to principle, and of moderation in asserting it, which is impressed upon all their proceedings, that makes us regard this society as likely to prove a powerful auxiliary to the Protestant cause. It is time, however, that we should come to the consideration of the meeting itself. In the very front of the proceedings we are met by a feature perhaps the most striking in the entire. We mean the singular, and, we cannot help thinking, the unfortunate letter of Mr. George Alexander Hamilton. At first we were disposed to regard the appearance of this letter with regret. We still think it would have been better that it should not have been published; but its publication may have its good. The sentiments of this letter are sentiments entertained by a section of the Conservative party; and it is well that they should find expression in a tangible shape in which they may be brought to the test of discussion. There are often prejudices vaguely floating through the mind which assume the appearance of unanswerable arguments, until their baselessness is detected in the attempt to shape them into words: and this is just the case with the vague prejudices to which Mr. Hamilton's letter gives a shape. He embodies idle and intangible speculations in a form in which they may be refuted. So far, we trust, he does service. We know that in dealing with his letter we are dealing with feelings which are predisposing many to listen to the siren seductions of indolence and pleasure; and flatter themselves into the belief, that in yielding to the seduction they are acting a prudent part. It is always pleasant to find in our own minds au excuse for yielding to inclination—still more pleasant when the excuse is of such a nature as to enable us to find to fault with the exertions of those whose stern adherence to the path of duty puts our remissness to the blush. It is the evil of Mr. Hamilton's letter that it furnishes, under the sanction of a respected name, such excuses those who ever are ready to stand aloof from every movement of their Protestant brethren. It is the embodying of these excuses-and, as such it is worth the trouble of a calm and deliberate examination to which perhaps otherwise it might not be entitled; for while we entertain an undiminished respect for Mr. Hamilton's integrity and honesty of purpose, candour obliges us to acknowledge that his conduct on this occasion has not been marked by the strength of mind or soundness of judgment which we would have expected from the writer. We trust that Mr. Hamilton will believe us, that nothing but a sense of duty could induce us to speak thus. But the publication of his letter has thrown on us the painful duty of exposing calmly and gently, but, at the same time, fully, the |