Obrazy na stronie

other place of reception for a party to dine, seems to have been unknown at Rome in the age of Augustus.

In the well-known invitation to Torquatus, 1 E. v. 2. that olus omne of a dinner may well excite our wonder; and if strictly so understood, can hardly expect to be credited. Let any person, however, who entertains such a doubt, betake himself to Tully's Epistles, Fam. vII. 26, and there he will read, among the practical effects of the Lex sumtuaria rigidly enforced during the usurpation of Cæsar, that Cicero from eating vegetables only, but very highly dressed, in cœnâ Augurali apud Lentulum, incurred a dysentery which had nearly been the death of him.

If such was the habitual frugality of Horace's meal, we may be the less surprised at his unquestionable nicety with regard to its concomitant, good water. With him, indeed, this was a necessary of the first importance: and it is curious to trace his own repeated mention of it from 1 S. v. 7, 8. where he could eat no dinner because the water was bad, through his wish, 2 S. vi. 2. for the jugis aquæ fons, and his pride in possessing, 3 C. xvI. 29. Puræ rivus аqие.- -down to the inquiry at a late period, 1 E. XV. 15, 16. what kind of water the inhabitants of Velia and Salernum enjoyed.

Collectosne bibant imbres, puteosne perennes
Jugis aquæ.

II. Horace, when recounting the many annoyances from which his comparative poverty and his humble rank exempted him, includes this also:

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The necessity then to maintain those comites would have formed in his estimate one of the miscries of wealth and

high birth. From whence, it may be asked, did this adjunct of nobility and opulence arise, which so marked civil society in the age of Augustus? Clearly enough, its origin was military, in the custom for young men of family to go out as contubernales to commanders in chief and governors of provinces, and under their eye to learn all the virtutes imperatorias whether of provincial policy or of the art of


The authority of Cicero for the military practice in his day is very explicit. Take two instances as presented by Ernesti in his valuable Index Latinitatis. Pro Cn. Plancio, § 11. and Pro M. Coelio, § 30. it is stated as a fact highly honourable to their characters, that the one enjoyed the contubernii necessitudo with Aulus Torquatus, and that the other went into Africa to be Q. Pompeio Proconsuli contubernalis. For a period not much later, the words of Horace may be considered sufficiently clear, as when at 1 S. VII. 25. he mentions the comites of Brutus, and at 1 E. vII. 2. he writes to Celsus Albinovanus, comiti scribæque Neronis, with the cohors also of that young prince (v. 14) alluded to. In a brief sketch like this, one more example, but that of a splendid name, may suffice. The young Agricola, as we are told by Tacitus, § 5. Prima castrorum rudimenta Suetonio Paullino diligenti ac moderato duci approbavit, electus, quem contubernio æstimaret.

Now, by what process the transition took place from the contubernalis of the Prætorium abroad to the comes of the mansion or the villa at home, it may be a difficult office to develope. But the two Epistles, XVII. and XVIII. to Scæva and to Lollius, (of which the latter supplies the term comitem, v. 30. in sequence to dives amicus, v. 24. as the correlative, followed by potentis amici, v. 44. in the same meaning,) abundantly demonstrate, that the relation of such a minor to such a major amicus prevailed much in the highest Roman society, at the time when Horace wrote

those two Letters of advice with such masterly skill and such beautiful execution.

Before concluding, it is incumbent on me to acknowledge, with many thanks, the valuable assistance which I received in the summer of last year, when at Richmond, from the fine taste and talent of Mr. William King, in very carefully drawing up the principal articles of Appendix. Mr. King is already known, I trust, from the just compliments paid to him as my coadjutor in editing the Analecta Majora Poetica of Professor Dalzel in 1827; and he well deserves to be known from his labour so judiciously bestowed on the last edition of Mitford's History of Greece.

Nor may the valuable services of Mr. Robert Baldwin be allowed here to pass unacknowledged. Without his friendly assistance and judicious advice, these sheets could never have been carried through the press; under the peculiar difficulty of so many MS. additions and corrections to be incorporated with the old text, and the diffi culty itself aggravated by that text being so singular a compound of original matter blended with quotation.


N. Hardinge's important emendation. 3 C. xxIx. 6. udum, &c.

Ur semper


Proofs of Horace's frequent residence at Tivoli


And of his there first becoming a Lyric poet



His occasional resort also to Præneste and Baiæ
Essential distinctions betwixt his mode of life in the Sabine Valley

and that either at Rome or at Tivoli.
The Ode to Phidyle (3 C. xxIII. Cælo supinas.
true light

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The invitation to Q. Hirpinus (2 C. x1. Quid bellicosus.
dated from Tivoli, and not from the Sabine Valley
Singular errors as to the wishes of Horace, and as to the actual
qualities of his Sabine estate

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His father, a Coactor

Condition of the Libertini

Horace born at Venusia

His adventure when a child

(With allusion to his escape from other dangers)
Carried to Rome for his education.
(Reminiscences afterwards of his native place)

The liberal character of his appearance at Rome

His moral training under his father's eye
After the death of his father, Horace goes to Athens
His studies, his attainments in Grecian literature, and his Sodales

(Examples of Horace tracked in his own snow) Places which he appears to have visited

(Epistle (x1.) to Bullatius; peculiarity of his style)















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He returns to Rome and becomes a clerk in the treasury


His mode of life at this period, and afterwards
He is introduced to Maecenas by Virgil and Varius

The journey to Brundusium. (1 S. v.)
His personal and literary friends

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