offered by Mr. Grindlestone of the confession of Junius to Mr. T. Rodney, is in our minds nothing better calculated to set conjecture at rest. This Gentleman says, in an article in the St. James's Chro nicle: 66 mutually free and open. Among other things, the letters of Junius were mentioned, and General Lee asked me, who was conjectured to be the author of these letters. I replied, our conjectures here generally followed those started in England; but, for myself, I concluded, from the spirit, style, patriotism, and political information which they displayed, that Lord Chatham was the author; and yet there were some sentiments there that indicated his not being the author. General Lee immediately replied, with considerable animation, affirming, that to his certain knowledge, Lord Chatham was not the author; neither did he know who the author was, any more than I did; that there was not a man in the world, no, not even Woodfall, the publisher, that knew who the solely with himself, and for ever would remain with him. "No political writings ever made more noise in the world, or were more celebrated, than the letters signed Junius, and published in London more than twenty years ago. And as the author conveyed those letters to the press in such a secret manner as to conceal himself entirely from the knowledge of the public, and every other person, the public curiosity has been excited from time to time to this, to know who he was. Frequent and various have been the conjectures respecting him; but all have accorded in at tributing those letters, to one per-author was; that the secret rested son or other of the most eminent abilities. This, without doubt, does the author great honour. I have observed, in some of our late papers, that they were attributed to the celebrated Dunning by one writer, and to the Earl of Chatham by another. But to satisfy the curiosity of the world, and to preclude all future and uncertain conjectures, I can assure the public, that our celebrated MajorGeneral Charles Lee, of the American army, was the real author of these letters. And although he had declared that the secret rested solely with himself, and that he meant to carry it to the grave with him; yet I affirm, and answer to the public, that he revealed it to me, and, perhaps, to no other person, in the world. "In the fall of 1773, not long after General Lee had arrived in America, I had the pleasure of spending an afternoon in his company, when there was no other person present. Our conversation chiefly turned on politics, and was "Feeling, in some degree, surprised at this unexpected declaration, after pausing a little, I replied: No, General Lee, if you certainly know what you have affirmed, it can no longer remain solely with him; for, certainly, no one could know what you have affirmed but the author himself. "Recollecting himself, he replied: "I have unguardedly committed myself, and it would be but folly to deny to you that I am the author; but I must request that you will not reveal it during my life; for it never was, nor never will be, revealed by me to any other! He then proceeded to mention several circumstances to verify his being the author; and, among them, that of his going over to the Continent, and absenting himself from England most of the time in which these letters were published in London, &c. &c. This he thought necessary, lest, by some accident, the author should become known, or, at. least, suspected, which might have been his ruin, had he been known to the Court of London, &c.". In answer to which we say, that such an assumption might agree very well with the forward ambitious character of General Lee, but can scarcely be applied to that of the unassuming Junius, whose utmost stretch of vanity appeared to be admired in secret; or it could scarcely be supposed that he would have foregone the opportunity, or in fact have violated his promise to his faithful Printer, and have suffered the honour of his writings to have rested with his assumed name. He must strangely have altered from his former habits and disposition, which would not suffer himself to be provoked or beguiled into a confession, either from a point of honour or the love of reputation, thus to have been led to a spontaneous or rather os tentatious avowal of what he had determined should remain for ever secret. Such is our opinion of the Facts, &c. before us, but which, as we by no means offer them in dictation to the opinions of others, we cannot do better than recominend the perusal of Mr. Grindlestone's arguiments to all those admirers of that celebrated author, whose name and writings will ever form a conspicuous feature in the recollections of the present reign. Coincidence of Courage between the celebrated DALBERG, in the year 1658, and the late Major-General SIR BARRY CLOSE. In 1799, the Earl of Morning ton, now Marquis Wellesley, being then Governor-General of India, called together the Council to lay before them the plan of the ensuing Campaign, which carried with it the fate of the Company's Pos sessions in India, wherein His Lordship recommended the making one bold effort to get possession of the Enemy's Capital, which seemed so daring an enterprise as to stagger the Members of the Council; when Lieutenant Colo, nel Barry Close, then AdjutantGeneral of the Company's Army on the coast of Coromandel, (being the junior-officer present,) des livered his opinion in the following remarkable and memorable words: "I think the plan magnificent, and have no doubt of its suc cess." The intrepidity of this Officer is remarkably parallel ju point and circumstance to the following anecdote in “Cartean Calleville's Description of the Baltic :" It happened in the year 1657 that the King of Denmark was induced to declare war suddenly against Charles X. of Sweden, who was then at the head of an · army in Poland, at a distance of many hundred miles. Charles, with the characteristic activity of the House of Vaa, traversed the North of Germany, passed Hol stein and Jutland, and made his appearance on the shores of the Little Belt with an army of 20,000' men. The streight presented an icy plain, and Charles assembled a nocturnal council of his Generals, to hear their opinion on the practicability of carrying over the army. All were averse to, with the exception of the celebrated Dalberg, who exclaimed, “The enterprise is a bold one, but it will succeed: I will be answerable for it with my head," The order was accordingly given to march, and the army advanced in several columns, with horses, cannon, and baggage, headed by the King and Dalberg; when the event, as in India, was crowned with success, FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. STATE PAPER. Note of the Prussian Government annexed to the Report of the French Minister for Foreign Affairs. "The undersigned Chancellor of State has just received an order from the King, to lay before his Excellency Count de Marsau, Minister Plenipotentiary from His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, &c. &c. the following: "The King, in all his political conduct since the peace of Tilsit, had principally in view to give and ensure to his people a state of tranquillity, which might gradually enable them to recover from the numberless misfortunes and losses which they had just suffered. "For this purpose he fulfilled with exactness, as far as his means permitted him, the engagements which he had been forced to by that peace. He has supported with resignation the arbitrary exactions, the spoliation of every descrip. tion of which the provinces did not cease to be the object; the enormous charges with which they were loaded. He neglected nothing, in order to establish between him and the French Government a sincere confidence, and thus dispose it to measures of justice and equity, which he almost always demanded in vain. "When the North of Europe saw itself menaced with a new fatal war, the King, after doing every thing that de-pended upon him to avert the storm, took the part which the intermediate position of his States that admitted not of neutrality, and a certain perspective of the destructive measures that awaited them on the part of France, if he refused what was demanded of him, imperiously prescribed. He re signed himself to the sovereign engagements, out of all proportion to the ability of the country, to which he found himself obliged to acquiesce by the treaty of alliance of the 24th of February, and the -conventions which accompanied it, in the hope of having obtained for Prussia solid support, and, in case of necessity, efficacious succour, of which, after so many reverses, she daily felt the greater necessity; and that the French Government, answering the fidelity with which the King purposed to fulfil his obligations, would, on its side, fulfil with the same exactness the obligation it had contracted with him. "Unhappy experience proved to him VOL. III. but too soon, that such were not the intions of that Government. Whilst the the King furnished the number of troops agreed upon, to form the stipulated auxiliary corps; whilst that these troops shed their blood in the cause of France, with a bravery to which the Emperor himself has not refused to do justice; whilst that in the interior of the country they bore up, by extraordinary efforts, against furnishing the enormous supplies, and leans of all kinds, which the wants of the troops, who did not cease to inundate it, required, France fulfilled not, in any manner, the obligations contracted, the exact accomplishment of which could alone prevent the entire ruin of the country and its inhabitants. "It was stipulated that the garrison of Glogau should be provisioned at the expense of France, reckoning from the date of the treaty, and those of Custrin and Stettin, after the entire payment of the contributions; the latter was paid, and even more, in the month of May, in last year, by the deliveries which had been made - nevertheless Prussia remained charged with provisioning these three garrisons, without any representations being able to effect what justice and the letter of the treaty demanded. We had flattered ourselves, at least, according to the recent promise of His Majesty the Emperor, the country round those places, as the Prussian territory would henceforth have been sheltered from all forced requisitions; but at the very moment when we delivered ourselves up to this hope, the Commandants received a formal order, ta take, for ten leagues round the fortresses, every thing of which they believed they stood in want, which was executed with all the violence which was foreseen. It was agreed, that sums advanced by Prussia for supplies of all kinds, should be settled every three months, and the balance paid down at the end of the campaign. But she could not obtain that even these accounts should be examined; and when the balance amounted to very large sums, of which she was every moment to furnish the proofs; when at the end of the year it was 94,000,000 of francs, the most lively representations were not able to procure payment of a single account, although the King had, for the moment, confined his demand to a sum less than half the urgent, absolute, and indispensibie necessity, for which had been demonstrated by the most powerful evidence The clause of the treaty of alliance, which insured the neutrality of a part of Silesia, could not, under the circumstances which since occurred, take effect, unless Russia, en her part, acquiesced in it; and this acquiescence, supposed of necessity, that they should treat about this object. Nevertheless, the Emperor caused it to be declared, that he would not consent that the King should send any one to the Emperor Alexander for this purpose; and in thus rendering the stipulation entirely illusory, in point of fact, withdrew from, annulled it. Fresh attempts were made against the King's incontestible rights, by the arbitrary dispositions indulged in, with respect to the corps of Prussian troops in Pomerania, under General Bulow, by calling it to join the Duke of Belluno's division, and in placing it, previously to having obtained His Majesty's consent, under the orders of that Marshal, as well as by the prohibition of all recruiting whatever in the Prussian states, occupied by the French troops, which was published by order of the Viceroy of Italy, without informing His Majesty of it. Never, undoubtedly, was the sovereignty of a friendly Prince attacked in a more terrible manner. "It is unnecessary to recapitulate the melancholy details which have lately appeared; they are perfectly known to your Excellency and the Duke of Bassano, by the numerous remonstrances of which they have been the subject. Besides General De Krusemark is charged to deliver a note to the Minister, which will enlarge more upon so many objects, which clearly proves, that the French Government, in holding in no consideration the principal stipulations of the treaty of alliance in favour of Prussia, which, nevertheless, formed so many essential conditions of it, and without which the latter would have, whatever might have been the consequence, subscribed to the conditions imposed on her, has itself freed her from those reciprocal obligations contained in it. No person is ignorant of the situation in which Prussia now finds herself, in consequence of these circumstances, and generally of the events of the Autumn and Winter, abandoned to herself, without hope of efficacious support on the part of a power, to whom she was bound, and from whom she did not even obtain the objects of the most strict justice, which she only wished the latter to grant her, seeing two-thirds of her provinces exhausted, and their inhabitants reduced to despair, what remains for her, except taking council of herself, raising and sup porting herself? It is in the love and couage of his people, and in the generous in His Majesty the King of Prussia has issued the following Proclamation:-TO THE PUBLIC. "It is unnecessary to render an ac count to my good people of Germany, of the motives for the war which is now commencing; they are evident to impar tial Europe. Bent under the superior power of France, that peace which deprived me of half my subjects, procured us no blessings-it, on the contrary, hurt us more than war itself. The heart of our country was impoverished. The princi pal fortresses were occupied by the ene my; agriculture was neglected, as well as the industry of our cities, which had risen to a very high degree. Liberty of trade being interrupted, naturally closed all the sources of ease and prosperity.-By the most exact observance of the stipulated treaties, I hoped to obtain an alleviation for my people, and at last to convince the French Emperor that it was his own interest to have Prussia independent; but my intentions, my exertions, to attain so desirable an object, proved fruitless. Nothing but haughtiness and treachery was the result! We discovered, but rather late, that the Emperor's conventions were more ruinous to us than his open wars. The moment is now arrived, in which no illusion respecting our condition can remain. Brandenburghers! Prussians! Silesians! Pomeranians! Lithuanians! you know what you have suffered during the ast seven years-you know what a miserable fate awaits you, if you do not honourably finish the now commencing conflict. Remember former times--rememher the illustrious Elector, the great Fre derick-remember the benefits for which our ancestors contended under their direction. The liberty of conscience -honour independence -trade-industry--and knowledge. Bear in mind the great example of our allies, the Russians -think of the Spaniards and Portuguese: small nations have even gone to battle, for similar benefits, against a more powerful enemy, and obtained victory.. Remember - the Swiss and the Netherlands.. Great sacrifices are required from all ranks; be cause our plan is great, and the number and means of our enemy not less so. You will make them sooner for your country your King-than for a foreign Regent, who, by so many examples, has proved he would take your sons and last strength for designs to which you are strangers. Confidence in God, constancy, courage, and the powerful assistance of our Allies, will favour our just cause with glorious victory. But however great the sacrifices may be required from individuals, they will not outweigh the sacred interests for which they are given, for which we combat, and must conquer, or cease to be Prussians or Germans,-We are now engaged in the last decisive contest for our existence, our independence, and our property. There is no medium between an honourable peace or glorious ruin. Even this you would manfully support for your honour, because a Prussian and German cannot live without it. But we dare confidently trust, God and our firm pur pose will give our just cause victory, and with this an uninterrupted peace, and the return of happier times. "Breslaw, March 17." "FRED. WILLIAM." PARIS, APRIL 5. Report of Count Defermont to the Senate, on the plan for calling out an additional force, in consequence of the war with Prussia: "My Lords and Senators,--You have just heard the communications which His Majesty has ordered to be made to you: existing circumstances render an augmen tation of our military force indispensa ble; it is the object of the Senatus Consultum which we are charged to present to you. "If we must regret the defection of an Ally, it is better to see him openly in the enemy's ranks, than be exposed to his daily treacheries. The disposable force of Prussia is not such, but that the empire may make her repent having re-entered into a contest with her; but you know, Gentlemen, that if we wish for peace,, it must be obtained by successes that will guarantee its durability; and to obtain that object, it is much better immediately to employ great means, than gradually exhaust ourselves in feeble efforts. "The 1st title of the projét puts 180,000 men at the disposal of the Minister at War, to be added to the active armies: 90,000 men, taken of the conscription of 1814, whose levy has been authorised, will only find a change in their destination. "Ninety thousand men are to be levied agreeably to the dispositions of Titles II. and III. of the projét. "The defection of Prussia may augment the forces of our enemies with about. 80 or 100,000 men; and it is, therefore, both right and advisable to increase the army of the empire in the same propor tion. "Title III. creates four regiments of Horse Guards of Honour, in the whole to complete 10,000 men. "The departments have demanded the formation of companies of Body Guards. This institution, necessary to the throne, can only be progressively realised. pre "The officers can only be taken from the first ranks in the army, and their sence with the corps they command is now necessary. If they were taken from less elevated ranks, they would fail of the intended end, and be contrary to the nature of the institution, because there would not be placed at their head those who are to be especially responsible for the safety of the Emperor and his Familymen who are clothed with the first dignities in the Army and in the State. "The Body Guard is otherwise not needful for the present moment; the gensd'armerie, the troops of the garrison, and 5 or 6000 men of the Imperial Guard, both of horse and foot, which are now at Paris, and which are composed of old soldiers, not so able to go to war, and young people, commanded by officers d'elite, guarantee the maintenance of good order in the capital. "It is, nevertheless, useful to proceed to the formation of these companies of Body Guards, and to strengthen the army with men still in the flower of their age, whose profession is arms, and who are languishing out of employment. "It is even necessary to open a career for your people, who are fitted for it by the education they have received, to become soldiers; but who, having attained their twenty fourth or twenty-fifth years, consider themselves as being then too old |