the water; and perhaps the same remark may apply to the greatest part of what has appeared on both sides.-We suggest this opinion in full conviction that the author is right in his conclusion, that our statesmen and politicians have begun at the wrong end,' in their measures for terminating the differences which have so unhappily divided and harassed the two nations. He dwells, especially, on the matter of tithes, &c. the weight of which, he is firmly persuaded, the Roman Catholic inhabitants, (the peasantry, particularly,) never will nor can patiently endure. Remove this stumbling block, this • bone of contention,' and the writer is decidedly of opinion that all the contention now subsisting, in regard to the government and peace of Ireland, will speedily subside, and BE NO MORE! With respect to a due provision for the established clergy, he proposes a plan for their better maintenance,' which seems liable to little, if any, reasonable objection; though possibly, considerable improvement may be added to it. Mr. B. offers many other observations and arguments, on points of collateral import: the whole forming a miscellany not devoid of entertainment, and certainly abounding with useful information. POLITICS, FINANCE, &c. Art. 26. An Addrefs to the People, on the present relative Situations of England and France, with Reflections on the Genius of Democracy, and on Parliamentary Reform. By Robert Fellowes, A. B. Oxon. 12mo. 1s. 6d. Rivingtons. 1799. A spirited and animated writer is generally himself hurried, and consequently endeavours to carry his readers to extremes. It is not 20 with Mr. F., who is energetic without being violent; and who preserves great moderation of sentiment in the midst of glowing expressions. He does not declaim against republican democracy because he is partial to absolute monarchy; nor, in combating the doctrine of universal suffrage, does he scout all ideas of parliamentary reform. So far from subscribing to the doctrine of divine right, he asserts that there is no truth which appears more plain and indisputable to his mind than this, that all government is a power in trust; and that the only valid title-deed of its right is the will of the people.' Notwithstanding this, however, Mr. F. is a most strenu ous advocate for kingly government, in opposition to the republican system; and he has supported his preference by the most weighty arguments. In monarchy, there is a certain limit, at which ambitious expectation ends; in democracy, there is no quiescence to the demon of aspiring pride till it reaches the pinnacle of tyranny.-In monarchy, there is a wish to be high; in democracy to be highest : in the one, individuals are emulous to the great, in the other, to the greatest.-In monarchy, the highest station of power is no object of envy; in democracy envy is busy even with the lowest.-The factions, that agitate a democracy, resemble the eruptions of a volcano, that spread devastation and ruin through the space which they occupy in a monarchy they are more like the mists, that collect and fret away their harmless rage round the summit of the moun tains.' After After this contrast, it is scarcely necessary to add that this Ad dress exhibits no favourable picture of modern France. Mr. F. justly thinks, indeed, that we ought to be thankful that Directorial despotism is not suffered to stalk, with strides of ruin, through this island. On one subject which Mr. F. has introduced in a note, we wish that he had written a pamphlet, viz. The influence of property on principle; shewing how far virtue depends on a certain share of physical happiness, and consequently how far the morality of the people may be amended by an improvement of their circumftances. Such a discussion will lead to a juft view of the state of the poor, and will expose the folly of that system of laws which endeavours to improve their morals by (as it were) annihilating them as members of the community. It will perhaps be discovered that our poor-laws originate in a mistake. Philosophers (says Mr. F.) have never explained the true relations between physical want, and the want of moral principle;'-will he permit us, then, to request him to oblige the public with this important explanation? By the sketch which he has given, we think that we perceive his ability to finish the picture. Mo-y. Art. 27. Substance of Mr. Canning's Speech in the House of Commons, We believe that past experience must have sufficiently instructed our countrymen, what degree of dependence is to be placed on continental alliances; especially those of which the principal cement is British gold. Neither Mr. Canning's arguments, nor his acknowleged eloquence, have lessened our distrust. Capt. B... Art. 28. Tax upon Income, as stated in Mr. Pitt's Speech, Dec. 3, 1798, impartially considered. By a Member of Parliament. 8vo. IS. Clement. This pamphlet contains many strong arguments against the prin. ciple of taxing income; and particularly against taxing such income as arises from industry, in the same proportion as that which arises from capital. D.R Art. 29. Tests of the National Wealth and Finances of Great Britain, in Dec. 1798. 8vo. Is. 6d. White. This writer infers, from the increase of our taxes, the increase of the national wealth. His pamphlet likewise contains some remarks on the redemption of the land tax, and the copy of a letter from the author to Mr. Pitt on that subject; in which he proposes a plan to enable the proprietor of land, by borrowing, (if he cannot otherwise effect his purpose,) to purchase the redemption of his land-tax. Art. 30. State of the Country in the Autumn of 1798. 8vo. IS. Wright. A glowing panegyric on Government; which,' says the writer, has been the instrument, in the hands of Heaven, to effect our deliverance, and to conduct us to safety and to glory. What must be the tree which has produced such fruit? Speaking of the continental powere that have been confederated against France, he says, We have Do have done our part, and shall, I trust, continue to do it.-Let them, even now, do theirs, and THE WORLD IS SAVED.' Art. 31. A Measure productive of substantial Benefits, to Government, the Country, the Public Funds, and to Bank Stock. Respectfully submitted to the Governors, Directors, and Proprietors of the Bank of England. By Simeon Pope. 8vo. pp. 46. Is. 6d. Richardson. 1799. The measure proposed by Mr. Pope is as follows: Let the Bank of England (under the sanction of Parliament) advance to Government, this year, the sum of ten millions, at an interest of four per cent. and payable in ten instalments, on the security or credit of the general income tax for the ensuing year 1800then to be optional in the Bank proprietors to extend or not the loan to the year 1801-and so to every succeeding year as long as the tax shall exist.' The most important objection to this plan is the increase of bank paper in circulation which it might cause. Mr. P. supposes that, the sum being advanced by instalments, the notes issued for the first will, in the common course of business, have returned to the bank before the second instalment becomes payable :-but if not, he af firms that, in our present circumstances, an emission of more than double the notes at this time in circulation is justifiable.' If the Bank be restrained from paying in specie, and under no restraint as to the quantity of paper which it may circulate, it may well afford to lend to government any number of millions: but a disproportionate use of such a licence endangers not only public credit, but all property in the kingdom. We believe the legislature to be the only judge competent to determine the quantity of bank notes which should be allowed to circulate. Mr. P. advances several positions to which we cannot accede. He is of opinion, for instance, that taxes which distress the farmer are beneficial, and occasion overflowing markets and low prices :-but, if the farmer carries more to the market than the average produce, he must lessen his stock, and future years will suffer for a present plenty.The style of this pamphlet is too florid for such sober subjects as money and artithmetical calculations. Capt. B....y. Do Art. 32. The Speech of Sir John Sinclair, Bart. M. P. &c. on the Bill for imposing a Tax upon Income, in the Debate on that Bill, on Friday the 14th December 1798. 8vo. 6d. Debrett. 1799. Sir John Sinclair regards the funding system as the climax of financial invention, the greatest of all political discoveries, the most valuable mine,' &c. If there be merit in anticipating revenue and in incurring debt; the moderns are not entitled to the honour of the invention; for it is a discovery of very antient date. Funding depends on the ability of the borrower, and on the credit which the opinion of that ability creates. When Governments anticipate, if there be a want of ability in the country, or a deficiency of credit, they become bankrupt. Nothing strengthens so much as the practice of funding, in appearance, the mischievous political paradox that private vices are public benefits. In Sir John's speech, it is apprehended, as a misfortune, that a spirit of economy may be introduced Q3 into into the establishments of private families. Yet it must invariably be true, and mathematically demonstrable, that the less each individual expends on himself, the more he might afford to contribute to the public support. If (says he) a new plan must be adopted, and if property, instead of expenditure, must be attacked, it becomes a matter of nice discussion, whether the extraordinary contribution should be raised by a tax on capital, or a tax on income, or by blending the two together, which, though the most complicated, yet being unquestionably the justest, ought to be preferred. What I mean is, that every man should instead of 10 per cent. on his income,per cent. on his capital, and 5 per cent. on his income, by which persons who had no capital, would be greatly relieved, and those who were possessed of considerable property, would pay more in proportion to their opulence, than under the system that is proposed. pay, Almost the only objection to this plan is, the difficulty of ascertaining the value of a man's capital.' There appears to us at least one other objection: the present tax on income may prove, in many cases, partial: but would the plan proposed by Sir John Sinclair be less so? Land, he classes as income. Reckoning land, which produces a clear annual rental of one thousand pounds, at 25 years' purchase; then property worth £25,000, if it be in land, will not be required to contribute more than will be demanded from property of L. 10,000 value which shall be deemed capital. Such great tenderness shewn to the landed interest could not be very encouraging to industry, and ill accords with the professed object, that those who were possessed of considerable property should pay in proportion to their opulence. Capt.B...y Art. 33. The political opinions of this Noble Lord being so generally known, and the subject of the speech before us having been so fully discussed, many remarks will not now be necessary. The principle of gradual rise in taxation, or of requiring a higher proportion from the higher classes,' his Lordship thinks, is objectionable, as having a levelling tendency; and that it would amount to neither more nor less than the introduction of a plan for equalizing fortunes; and to the implied inference, that, because a man possesses much, therefore more shall be taken from him than is proportionably taken from others. On the merits of this objection, there will be various opinions. His Lordship has not thought it necessary to add weight to it by argument. The noble Lord endeavours to prove that every species of annuity or income is equally valuable. He demands; Will it be contended, that, in point of real value, an unsettled estate, which its owner will leave to his son, to of more worth to him, than if the same estate were for his life only, and already settled on his son and his descendants? Would an estate so settled for life with remainder to his son, be more valuable to him, than it would be, if he had no son, and it were settled on some distant relation or on a stranger? stranger? And if on a stranger, how is it more valuable sessor than any other annuity for life?' the pos The cases here supposed do not seem selected on account of their difficulty. All property left by those who have no children must, in course, go to more distant relations, or to strangers: but how will any of the cases mentioned apply to that of a man having children, whose annuity nevertheless expires with him, or is perhaps only for a short term of years, and who must depend on what he can save during the term, for the maintenance of himself and his family after its expiration? The change in political opinions which has of late years taken place in this country, is strikingly exemplified in the following paragraph of this speech; in which, alluding to some expressions in his letters addressed to the Earl of Carlisle, written in 1779, and which were now quoted by the Earl, in debate, Lord A. says, If however the Noble Lord had adverted with his usual accuracy to the context of the passages which he thought proper to cite, he would have found that they related to a voluntary contribution to be dependent on the enthusiasm of the contributors; or if to a forced and general contribution, then to be dependent on a mere voluntary disclosure of income. At the period of which I speak, it never entered into the minds of the most enlightened statesmen (and I ap'peal to a Noble and Learned Friend who now hears me, and was conversant in the discussions to which I refer) that it could be practicable to establish a forced and general contribution on the only just and efficient system of a forced disclosure.' Capt.B....y. POETRY and DRAMATIC. Art. 34. Sidney. A Monody, occasioned by the Loss of the Viceroy Packet, on her Passage from Liverpool to Dublin, in Dec. 1798. 4to. 28. Rickman. We wish not to repress sensibility, when excited by unaffected sorrow but there is something so singularly mechanical in the affliction which is said to have produced these lines, by anticipating the death of the two youths whom they were intended to bewail, and transferring them to two others who were not in the author's thoughts when they were written, that we must own their effect on our feelings to have been rather feeble. The effusions of a poetical imagination, even in fictitious sorrow, if illumined by the slightest radiations of genius, and if not extremely wild, we are ever disposed to treat with lenity: but, when the best lines and sentiments of a production called a Monody, or whatever be its title, consist of shreds and patches from the writings of others, it cannot claim,-nor ought it, through tenderness, to receive the praises due to works of real merit. This monody may be very acceptable, perhaps, to the author's friends, and to the particular families which have been bereaved of their children by the calamity described; without being fit for the public eye, which can be repaid for perusal only by real poetical merit. What virtue can there be in the name of Lycidas, or Sidney, to compen་ The Lord Chancellor,' |