troops and vessels sufficient to enable her more effectually to tie up our hands and shut us out from our just rights? Can the brave Brazilians forget that similar proposals, and for the same purpose, were made to England, accompanied by an offer to perpetuate the treaty of commerce of 1810, and even with greater advantages? To such an extent has the malice and bad policy of the Cortes proceeded! Moreover, the congress of Lisbon, sparing no endeavour to oppress and enslave us, have scattered abroad a cohort of secret emissaries, who employ all the resources of cunning and perfidy to mislead the public spirit, to disturb good order, and to foment disunion and anarchy in Brazil. Assured of the just hatred which the people entertain towards despotism, these perfidious emissaries do not cease to pervert the public opinion, to asperse the most pure and just actions of my government, and even to dare to impute to me the desire of completely separating Brazil from Portugal, and of reviving the old system of arbitrary power. In vain they endeavour to disunite the inhabitants of this kingdom; our honoured European fellow countrymen will never prove ungrateful to the country which has adopted them for sons, and from which they have derived honour and riches. Not content with this series of perfidies and atrocities, the factious emissaries of the Cortes have dared to insinuate that a great part of these disastrous measures has emanated from the executive power. As if the character of the king, of the benefactor of Brazil, were capable of such Machiavelian perfidy; as if it were not known to Brazil, to the whole world, that the Senhor Don Joam VI., my august father, is actually a state prisoner, completely incapable of action, and deprived of that free will which should be possessed by a true monarch, enjoying those attributes which any legitimate constitution, however careful and suspicious it might be, would never deny him. It is known to all Europe and to the whole world, that of his ministers some are in the same circumstances with himself, and others are the creatures and partisans of the predominant faction. Doubtless the provocations and injustices of the congress with regard to Brazil are the offspring of parties divided among themselves, but united against us. Some seek to force Brazil to separate herself from Portugal, in order that the constitutional system may be then more effectually stifled. Others desire it, too, because they wish to unite themselves to Spain. Thus every thing in Portugal is turned to the prejudice of Brazil. Blinded with pride, or impelled by revenge and conceit, the Cortes would decide, with two strokes of the pen, a question of the greatest importance to the great Portuguese family, establishing, without consulting the general wish of the Portuguese of both hemispheres, the seat of the monarchy in Portugal; as if this smallest part of the Portuguese territory, and its stationary and timorous population, should be the political and commercial centre of the whole nation. In effect, if it is requisite for states naturally divided, but united under one sole chief, that the vital principle of their movements and energy should exist in the most central and powerful part of the great social machine, in order that the impulse may communicate itself to the whole periphery with the greater readiness and vigour, Brazil certainly possesses the incontestable right of holding within herself the seat of executive power. This vast and rich country, whose lengthened coasts stretch from two degrees on the other side of the Equator down to the river Plata, and are bathed by the Atlantic, stands as it were in the centre of the globe, on the borders of the great canal over which the trade of nations is conveyed, and which forms the link which connects the four quarters of the globe. Brazil has Europe and the most consider able part of America on her left, Africa in front, on her right the remainder of America and Asia, with the immense archipelago of Australia, and the Pacific Ocean washing her sides, while the straits of Magellan and Cape Horn lie within reach. Who does not know that it is almost impossible to impart new strength and vigour to people enfeebled and exhausted? Who does not know that the good days of Portugal are passed, and that it is only from Brazil that that little portion of the monarchy can hope for certain support, and the power of recovering her former energy? But Brazil will certainly be unable to afford that support, should the Portuguese government succeed in the mad project of enfeebling, disuniting, and destroying her. In so long and systematic a series of folly and atrocity, what should be the conduct of Brazil? Must she suppose the Cortes of Lisbon to be ignorant of her rights and necessities? Certainly not; for in that Cortes there are, even among the factious party, men who, though wicked, are not igno rant. Ought Brazil to suffer, and merely content herself with humbly soliciting the remedy of her misfortunes from merciless and egotistical men? Does she not see, that though the despots might be changed, the despotism would continue? Such conduct, besides being unwise and dishonourable, would plunge Brazil into an unfathomable gulf of misery; and Brazil being lost, the perdition of the monarchy is certain. Placed by Providence in the midst of this vast and blessed country, as the heir and lawful delegate of the king, my august father, my first duties are not only to labour for the welfare of the Brazilian people, but also of those of the whole nation which I shall one day be called to govern. In order to fulfil these sacred duties, I assented to the wishes of the provinces which entreated me not to abandon them; and wishing to execute my resolutions to the utmost point, I consulted the public opinion of my subjects, and nominated and convoked procurorsgeneral of all the provinces, to advise me how to act for the common welfare of the state. Next, to afford a new proof of my sincerity and love, I accepted the title and duties of perpetual defender of this kingdom, confided to me by the people; and finally, seeing the urgency of affairs, and hearing the universal voice of the people who wished to be secure, I convoked a constituent and legislative assembly, to labour for the permanent happiness of the country. Thus I conformed with the wishes of the people, who consider my august father and king as deprived of his liberty and subject to the caprice of that band of factious who rule the Cortes of Lisbon, from whom it would be absurd to expect just measures suited to the situation of Brazil, or tending to the real welfare of the whole Portuguese nation. I should be ungrateful to the Brazilians-I should be false to my promises, and unworthy the name of Prince Royal of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil, and Algarves, if I had acted otherwise. But I protest before God, and in the face of all friendly and allied nations, that I by no means wish to separate the bonds of unity and fraternity, which are calculated to render the Portuguese nation one singlé political and well-organized whole. I also protest, that, saving the due and just union of all the parts of the monarchy under one single sovereign, as supreme chief of the executive power of the whole nation, I will defend the lawful rights and future constitution of Brazil (which I hope will be good and prudent) with all my power, and even at the expense of my blood, if such should be necessary. I have explained with sincerity and conciseness to the governments and nations to whom I have addressed this manifesto, the causes of the final resolution of the people of this kingdom. If king Don Joam VI., my august father, were now in Brazil enjoying his liberty and lawful authority, he would doubtless concur in the wishes of this loyal and generous people; and the immortal founder of this kingdom, who, in February, 1821, convoked Brazilian Cortes at Rio de Janeiro, would not fail to con voke them in the same manner as I now do. But our king being a prisoner and a captive, it behoves me to rescue him from the degraded situation to which he is reduced by the factious of Lisbon-it is my duty, as his delegate and heir, to save not only Brazil, but the whole Portuguese nation. My firm resolution, and that of the two nations which I govern, being lawfully promulgated, I hope that sensible and impartial men, all over the world, and that the governments and nations friendly to Brazil, will render justice to such honest and noble sentiments. I invite them to continue to maintain relations of mutual interest and amity. I shall be ready to receive their ministers and diplomatic agents, and to send them mine, so long as the king, my august father, shall remain in captivity. The ports of Brazil shall continue open to all pacific and friendly nations, for lawful trade not prohibited by the laws. European colonists who emigrate hither, may rely on being protected in this rich and hospitable country. Philosophers, artists, capitalists, and speculators, will also experience a friendly reception. And as Brazil will respect the rights of other legitimate governments, she hopes, as a just return, that her unalienable rights will be by them respected and acknowledged, and that she may not, in the opposite case, be placed under the painful necessity of acting contrary to the dictates of her generous heart. PRINCE REGENT. Palace of Rio de Janeiro, Aug. 6, 1822. HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. MEMOIR of the Marquis of LONDONDERRY. OBERT STEWART,second marquis of Londonderry, was born at the mansion of his ancestors, Mount-stewart, in the county of Down, on the 18th of June, in the year 1769. He was the eldest son of Robert, the first marquis of Londonderry; and the lady Sarah Francis Seymour, sister to the late marquis of Hertford. Robert, the first marquis, had represented the county of Down, in the Irish parliament, during many successive sessions-until the year 1789, when he was promoted to the peerage by the title of baron Londonderry. He was advanced to the degree of viscount, in 1795; and finally raised to the rank of marquis, in 1816. He was twice married. The subject of this memoir was the only child of his first marriage, who arrived at full age; but by his second marriage (with Frances Pratt, daughter of the great lord Camden), he had eleven children; of whom survive, the present marquis and five others. The family of Stewart, of Mountstewart, was a junior branch of the illustrious house of Lenox, and removed to Ireland in the great emigration from Scotland, promoted by James the first. Robert, the second marquis, reecived his carly education at the free grammar school of Armagh, over which Mr. (afterwards archdeacon) Hurrock presided with some reputation. Of the future minister's literary rank at Armagh, or at St. John's-college, Cambridge, to which he removed in 1786, nothing has been told. It is therefore probable, that much could not be found of which to boast; for his age is an assurance that many of the companions of his youth must survive and his rank and power afford a pledge, that no opportunity of flattery would have been neglected. But, though no testimonials of his early intellectual superiority are to be found, an interesting example of the ardour of friendship and cool contempt of danger, which remained through life, the most prominent traits of the marquis Londonderry's character, is related of his youth upon such evidence as it is impossible to question. While enjoying the amusement of a boating excursion upon Lough Coyne, accompanied by his tutor only, Mr. Stewart was, by a sudden squall which upset their skiff, plunged into the lake with his companion, at a distance from the shore of more than a mile. Himself an expert and fearless swimmer, he could with little difficulty have reached a secure resting place, notwithstanding the roughness of the water; but his friend being unable to swim, must have perished, had not the brave and affectionate youth promptly resolved to attempt his preservation by the most perilous succour which one man can render to another. By exertions which it is difficult to conceive, he brought him within call of the shore, but did not resign his task until both were taken in a state of complete exhaustion, into a boat hastily pushed by some peasants from the beach, in consequence of their cries. The promotion of his father to the peerage, in 1789, created a vacancy in the representation of the county of Down, of which Mr. Stewart, though under age, availed himself to seek a seat in parliament. He succeeded, though not without a severe contest and a sacrifice, as it is said, of 30,000l. with some abandonment of the political principles of his family. Such, however, was the state of politics in Ireland, at the period of Mr. Stewart's entrance upon public life, that it is unnecessary to offer his youth in extenuation of the desertion of the pledge to support parliamentary reform, which gave upon the hustings at Downpatrick, in 1789, and on some subsequent occasions at Belfast; or to explain that pledge as sufficiently redeemed by the extension of the elective franchise to half a million of Catholic cottagers. he The provisional arrangement between the British and Irish parliaments, in 1782, was anything but a final adjustment. The fanciful scheme of two federal legislatures, mutually independent, but not co-ordinate, was perfectly repugnant in practice; and the practical demonstration afforded by the regency question, must have proved to every man not blinded by faction or personal interest, that in the stipulations of 1782, were sown the seeds of absolute separation or a legislative union. One expedient, indeed, promised to secure the dependency of Ireland, at least for a season, and it did not escape the penetration of Mr. Pitt. The revolution of 1782, had been effected by the Protestant population, acting under the direction of the landed aristocracy. The Catholics, the majority of the nation, excluded by law from political power, and by poverty divested of political influence, were, by the constitution of 1782 (Yelverton's act), expressly excepted from any share in the advantages of the recovered national independence. The sagacious but unscrupulous British minister, saw the power which this anomaly placed in his hands. By raising the Catholics to the level of the Protestants, a measure recommended by its abstract justice and plausible generosity, he, in the first place, would create an interest to balance the power of the Protestant aristocracy, and more Protestant corporations, which had wrested the commercial sceptre from England, and more than once embarrassed his own government, by high pretensions and extravagant stipulations and, in the second place, by multiplying the candidates for court favour, Catholic emancipation would extend the sphere of influence— and, lastly, in the event of his liberal proposition failing, the dissention which its agitation must create, would render much more easy the government of force, and compel the kingdom, as in effect it |