December, in which, after stating the measures which they had adopted towards Italy, lamenting that "the fire-brand of rebellion had been thrown into the Ottoman empire" and denouncing the conduct of the Greeks as "rash and culpable," they expressed their sentiments on Spanish affairs. "If it could be the object of civilization" said this circular" to overthrow human society-if it were possible to suppose that the armed force, which has no other vocation than that of maintaining the internal and external peace of the state, might with impunity assume the supreme dominion over it-the Spanish revolution might certainly pretend to the admiration of all ages, and the military insurrection in the isle of Leon serve as a model for reformers. The legitimate authority fettered, and changed into a forced instrument of the overthrow of all rights and legal privileges; all classes of the people hurried away by the stream of revolutionary movement; violence and oppression exercised under the forms of law; a whole kingdom given up a prey to disorders and convulsions of every kind; the last resources of the state consumed by civil war; this is the picture which the present state of Spain presents such are the evils by which a generous people, deserving of a better fate, is visited-such, in fine, are the grounds of the just apprehensions, which such an assemblage of elements of trouble and confusion must excite in the countries more nearly in contact with the Peninsula. If ever, in the bosom of civilization, a power arose hostilely alienated from the principles of preservation, from the principles on which the European confede

ration reposes, such a power is Spain, in its present state of dissolution.... Could the sovereigns have contemplated with indifference so many evils heaped upon one country, accompanied with so many dangers to the others? Depending, in this important affair, only on their judgment and their own consciences, they have been obliged to ask themselves, whether they could longer remain calm spectators of an evil which every day threatens to become more terrible and dangerous, and even, by the presence of their representatives, lend the false colouring of a tacit sanction to the measures of a faction which is ready to undertake every thing for the maintenance of its destructive sway. The decision of the monarchs could not be doubtful. The Legations have received orders to quit the Peninsula . . . . . The wishes of the monarchs are directed to peace alone; but this peace, though fully established between the powers, cannot diffuse its blessings on society, while the fermentation is kept up which, in more than one country, inflames people's minds, by the perfidious arts of persuasion, and the criminal efforts of a faction which aims only at revolution and destruction: so long as the heads and instruments of this faction (whether they openly take the field against thrones and existing institutions, or whether they brood on their hostile plans in the dark, prepare plots, and poison public opinion) shall not cease to torment the nations with discouraging and lying representations of the present, and fictitious apprehensions of the future. The wisest mea sures of the governments cannot prosper, the best-meant plans of

improvement cannot succeed, confidence cannot return, till those promoters of the most odious purposes shall have sunk into utter impotency; and the monarchs will not believe that they have accomplished their great work, till they shall have deprived them of the arms with which they may threaten the repose of the world."

In the meantime, France had exhibited strong indications of warlike purposes. The army on the frontier, which had now changed its name from Sanitary Cordon, to Army of Observation, was increased; and the commands in it were given to men of violent political partialities. Bayonne assumed the appearance of a camp -every day waggon-loads of lint and dressings for the wounded were arriving, and a park of artillery was prepared, consisting of 300 tumbrils and 36 field-pieces, in readiness to move at a moment's notice. The Spanish refugees were kindly received; and at Paris, an attempt was made to raise a loan for the service of the insurgents.

Upon the dissolution of the congress, and the return of M. Montmorency to Paris, it was generally understood (though the joint circular and the separate notes of the sovereigns were not published to the world till the beginning of the next year), that France was at liberty, if she thought proper, to invade Spain, and that, in so doing, she would meet with no opposition from any of the powers of the Continent. Whether she would avail herself of this license, was long doubtful. England, it was known, had exerted all her influence to dissuade her neighbour from the adoption of violent counsels; and public opinion in France

was adverse to war. The com mercial part of the community, in particular dreaded the interruption, of the peace, and presented addresses, deprecating any attack on Spain. The individual opinions and inclinations of the king bent, it was said, towards peace; and even the ministry was reported not to be altogether unanimous. For though the majority of them, with the duke of Angoulême and M. de Montmorency at their head, were for instant war, Villèle, who was decidedly superior to his colleagues in talent and in public estimation, was the friend, if not of pacific, at least of more cautious measures. Whatever might be the agreement of these two statesmen in principle, and as to the end to be ultimately aimed at, they certainly did not agree with respect to the immediate steps which ought to be taken. Many discussions in the council were the result. At last the two ministers were ordered to embody each of them his views, on the question of peace and war, in the form of a note to the French ambassador at Madrid: each of them did so. These notes were read in a council held on the 25th of December; and were subjected respectively to a rigid examination. merits of each had been well weighed, and the ministers had, in turn, given their opinion on the two lines of policy recommended, the king decided in favour of M. de Villèle. His note being thus preferred, M. de Montmorency instantly tendered his resignation, which was accepted on the same evening, and announced to the country on the following day. On the 28th of December, he was succeeded in the department of foreign affairs by the viscount de

After the

Chateaubriand: and Villèle was now the acknowledged Prime minister.

The resignation of Montmorency was regarded at first as amounting to a complete defeat of the war-party, and as ensuring the continuance of peace. But this delusion was speedily dispelled by the publication of M. de Villèle's note on the 27th of December[see Public Documents, p. 574.] That document, though probably less violent in its language than the one which Montmorency proposed, was still of a very lowering, and threatening aspect. Though it did not make war inevitable, it was far from giving any promise or pledge of peace; and if it did not announce the immediate commencement of hostilities, it at least contained a tolerably express intimation, that, unless Spain, of her own accord, altered her political constitution, France would employ force to convert her from her revolutionary theories. "You will declare" says this note to the French ambassador, "that France will not relax in any point the

measures of preservation which she has taken, so long as Spain shall continue to be torn by faction. The government of his majesty will not even hesitate to recall you from Madrid, and to seek its guarantees in more efficacious measures, if its essential interests continue to be compromised, and if it lose the hope of an amelioration." Still the dismissal of the keen partizan of war, left the friends of peace specious grounds of hope.

Thus at the close of 1822, however fixed the plans of the French cabinet might in reality be, every thing with respect to them appeared outwardly uncertain and contingent. The ministers, it was supposed, differed in their views, and were wavering in their projects; even if they were themselves inclined to war, they seemed so irresolute, that they might probably be dissuaded or deterred from yielding to their own wishes. Not France only, but all Europe, expected anxiously the issue of their counsels; for on these counsels depended the tranquillity of the world.

delivered by the minister of the interior, in the name of the king, in which his majesty expressed himself highly satisfied with the harmony and moderation which had distinguished their deliberations.

The session of the States General, for 1822, was opened on the 21st of October. In the speech from the throne, the king congratulated the legislature on the continuance of peace and on the blessings which the country enjoyed.

many

"The internal prosperity of the kingdom," said he, "has increased: the productions of the soil are in general abundant, and their low prices have been advantageous to the lower classes; meantime farmers suffer by them: by my orders a special inquiry has been made into their interests, considered in relation to those of the consumers; and the account which has been given me is the object of my serious consideration."

His majesty then proceeded to observe, that commerce and navigation, though not restored to their former equilibrium, offered the most favourable prospects; that the arts and sciences flourished; that many important public works had been undertaken; and that the system of reform adopted for the prisons was in progress. With respect to the colonies, their prosperity was daily increasing, and the happiness of the people becoming more secure; and since the reduction of Palembang, there had not been the slightest interruption of public tranquillity.

Shortly afterwards, the budget for 1823 was brought forward; and two books, composing the commercial code, were submitted

to the consideration of the legisla ture. A third book, relating to the organization of the tribunals, still remained to be presented.

Considerable interest was excited by the issuing of a royal ordinance, which directed, that, as Flemish was the language of the arrondissements of Brussels and Louvain, all public functionaries, who were not, by the 1st of January, 1823, masters of that language, should be displaced; and that all public pleadings, proclamations, arrêts of government, civil contracts, and acts, should, from the time above specified, be drawn up in Flemish. This measure was acceptable to the great mass of the inhabitants; but as it was fatal to the numerous French

employed in the courts, bureaus, and offices of Brussels, it was of course most clamorously decried by them and their adherents.

Though the statement in the royal speech, that there had been no interruption of tranquillity in the colonies, was perfectly true, the Dutch commanders in the east had not allowed their neighbours to live in quiet. In the spring of the year, lieut.-colonel Ruaf, chief of the staff of the Dutch troops in India, was intrusted with an expedition against the sultan of Padang, in Sumatra, who was accused of molesting their establishments. Five skirmishes took place, the first of which continued four days, and the second three. The number of killed was only four, and of the wounded, about 70, of whom six were officers. Ruaf himself was slightly wounded in the foot. Notwithstanding the superiority of the enemy, who amounted to 20,000, they resisted only during three days, and, on the fourth, were routed at all points. The Dutch troops gained