no neceffity, had recourfe to a partial and cruel confifcation?

Was that contribution refufed on a pretext of privilege, either on the part of the clergy or on that of the nobility? No certainly. As to the clergy, they even ran before the wishes of the third order. Previous to the meeting of the states, they had in all their inftructions exprefsly directed their deputies to renounce every immunity, which put them upon a footing distinct from the condition of their fellow-fubjects. In this renunciation. the clergy were even more explicit than the nobility.

But let us fuppofe that the deficiency had remained at the 56 millions, (or L. 2,200,000 sterling) as at first stated by Mr. Necker. Let us allow that all the refources he oppofed to that deficiency were impudent and groundless fictions; and that the assembly (or their lords of articles * at the Jacobins) were from thence juftified in laying the whole burthen of that deficiency on the clergy, yet allowing all this, a néceffity of £2,200,000 sterling will not fupport a confifcation to the amount of five millions. The impofition of £. 2,200,000 on the clergy, as partial, would have been oppreffive and unjuft, but it would not have been altogether ruinous to thofe on whom it was imposed; and therefore it would not have answered the real purpose of the managers.

* In the conftitution of Scotland during the Stuart reigns, a committee fat for preparing bills; and none could pafs, but those previously approved by them. This committee was walled lords of articles.

Perhaps perfons, unacquainted with the state of France, on hearing the clergy and the nobleffe were privileged in point of taxation, may be led to imagine, that previous to the revolution thefe bodies had contributed nothing to the ftate. This is a great mistake. They certainly did not contribute equally with each other, nor either of them equally with the commons. They both however contributed largely. Neither nobility nor clergy enjoyed any exemption from the excife on confumable commodities, from duties of custom, or from any of the other numerous indirect impofitions, which in France as well as here, make fo very large a proportion of all payments to the public. The nobleffe paid the capitation. They paid also a land-tax, called the twentieth penny, to the height fometimes of three, fometimes of four fhillings in the pound; both of them direct impofitions of no light nature, and no trivial produce. The clergy of the provinces annexed by conqueft to France (which in extent make about an eighth part of the whole but in wealth a much larger proportion) paid likewise to the capitation and the twentieth penny, at the rate paid by the nobility. The clergy in the old provinces did not pay the capitation; but they had redeemed themselves at the expence of about 24 millions, or a little more than a million fterling. They were exempted from the twentieths; but then they made free gifts; they contracted debts for the ftate; and they were fubject to fome other charges, the whole computed at about a thirteenth part of their clear income. They ought to have paid annually about forty thoufand

thousand pounds more, to put them on a par with the contribution of the nobility.

When the terrors of this tremendous profcription hung over the clergy, they made an offer of a contribution, through the archbishop of Aix, which, for its extravagance, ought not to have been ac cepted. But it was evidently and obviously more advantageous to the public creditor, than any thing which could rationally be promised by the confifcation. Why was it not accepted? The reason is plain-There was no defire that the church fhould be brought to ferve the ftate. The fervice of the state was made a pretext to destroy the church. In their way to the deftruction of the church they would not fcruple to deftroy their country: and they have deftroyed it. One great end in the project would have been defeated, if the plan of extortion had been adopted in lieu of the scheme of confifcation. The new landed intereft connected with the new republic, and connected with it for its very being, could not have been created. This was among the reasons why that extravagant ranfom was not accepted.

The madness of the project of confifcation, on the plan that was first pretended, foon became apparent. To bring this unwieldy mafs of landed property, enlarged by the confifcation of all the vaft landed domain of the crown, at once into market, was obviouíly to defeat the profits proposed by the confifcation, by depreciating the value of those lands, and indeed of all the landed eftates throughout France. Such a fudden diverfion of all its circulating money from trade to land, must be an additional mifchief. What ftep was taken ?

N 2

taken? Did the affembly, on becoming fenfible of the inevitable ill effects of their projected fale, revert to the offers of the clergy? No diftrefs could oblige them to travel in a course which was difgraced by any appearance of justice. Giving over all hopes from a general immediate fale, another project seems to have fucceeded. They proposed to take stock in exchange for the church lands. In that project great difficulties arose in equalizing the objects to be exchanged. Other obstacles also presented themselves, which threw them back again upon some project of fale. The municipalities had taken an alarm. They would not hear of transferring the whole plunder of the kingdom to the ftock-holders in Paris. Many of thofe municipalities had been (upon system) reduced to the most deplorable indigence. Money was no where to be feen. They were therefore led to the point that was fo ardently defired. They panted for a currency of any kind which might revive their perishing induftry. The municipalities were then to be admitted to a share in the spoil, which evidently rendered the first scheme (if ever it had been seriously entertained) altogether impracticable. Public exigencies preffed upon all fides. The minister of finance reiterated his call for supply with a moft urgent, anxious, and boding voice. Thus preffed on all fides, inflead of the first plan of converting their bankers into bishops and abbots, inftead of paying the old debt, they contracted a new debt, at 3 per cent. creating a new paper currency, founded on an eventual fale of the church lands. They iffued

this paper currency to fatisfy in the first inftance chiefly the demands made upon them by the Bank of discount, the great machine, or paper-mill, of their fictitious wealth.

The spoil of the church was now become the only refource of all their operations in finance; the vital principle of all their politics; the fale fecurity for the existence of their power. It'was neceffary by all, even the most violent means, to put every individual on the fame bottom, and to bind the nation in one guilty intereft to uphold this act, and the authority of thofe by whom it was done. In order to force the most reluctant into a participation of their pillage, they rendered their paper circulation compulfory in all payments. Those who confider the general tendency of their schemes to this one object as a centre;' and a centre from which afterwards all their meafures radiate, will not think that I dwell too long upon this part of the proceedings of the national affembly.

To cut off all appearance of connection between the crown and public juftice, and to bring the whole under implicit obedience to the dictators in Paris, the old independent judicature of the parliaments, with all its merits, and all its faults, was wholly abolifhed. Whilft the parliaments exifted, it was evident that the people might fome time or other come to refort to them, and rally under the standard of their antient laws. It became however a matter of confideration that the magiftrates and officers, in the courts now abolished, bad purchafed their places at a very high rate, for which, as well as for the N 3

duty