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clock, or somewhat afore ; and the first supper at foure of the clock on worke dayes; and on holy dayes, the first dynner to begin after the King be gone to the chappel, to his divine service, and likewise at souper.

Cap. 45. And at such time as the Kings hall is not kept, the service for dynner, as well in the King and Queen's chambers, as in all other places of the house where any allowance of meate is had, to be observed at one certaine and convenient houre ; that is to say, for dinner at eleven of the clock before noone, or neere thereupon, and for supper at six of the clock at afternoon, or neere thereupon ; not tarrying nor digressing from this order for the Kings highnesse, nor for such as shall attend upon his Grace in his disporte or otherwise."

Evidently, if Hewe Rodes followed his own precept to rise at six of the clock (p. 72, 1. 61, below), he would need some of his bouche of Court before ten or eleven, to stay his stomach.

This, then, is all I can find with regard to the status and diet of our author. Of the duties of him and his fellow-gentlemen, the Ordinances give us only the following information, p. 160, that whenever the King

“shall lye in his castle of Windsor, his mannors of Bewlye, Richmond, and Hampton Court, Greenwitch, Eltham or Woodstock, his hall shall be ordinarily kept and contynued ; unlesse than for any reasonable cause by his Grace to be approved, it shall be thought otherwise expedient; and at all such tymes of keeping the said hall

, the King's noble chappell to be kept in the same place, for the administration of divine service, as apperteyneth.

“Cap. 78. Nevertheless, forasmuch as it is goodly and honourable, that there should be allwayes some divine service in the court, whereby men might be elected unto the devotion, and that it would not only be a great annoyance, but also excessive labour, travell, charge, and paine, to have the King's whole chappell continually attendant upon his person, when his grace keepeth not his hall, and specially in rideing journeys and progresses; it is for the better administration of divine service ordeyned, that the master of the children, and six men, with some officers of the vestry, shall give their continuall attendance in the King's court, and dayly, in absence of the residue of the chappell, to have a masse of our Lady before noone, and on sundayes and holydayes, masse of the day, besides our Lady masse, and an antheme in the afternoone ; for which purpose no great carriage, either of vestments or bookes, shall be required: the said persons to have allowance of board wages, or bouch of court, with lodgeing in or neere to the same, and convenient carriage; as in such case hath been accustomed.”

Assuming, then, as certain, that the business of Hewe Rodes's

life was to assist in “the administration of divine service,” I and as
possible, that he further taught the ten Children of the Chappell
their
grammar,

songe, organes, or suche other vertuous thinges," we need not wonder that he who had experienced the change from Devonshire manners to courtly ones should have desired to impress on others the lessons he had learnt himself, and lay down, at parson length, the maxims that he had drawn from his own experience and the sayings of the wise men of the Court. What manner of man he himself was he does not tell us. The only allusion he makes to his art is

A tendable seruaunt standeth in fauour / for his auawntage
Promoted shal he be in offyce or fe / the easyer to lyue in age
Vse honest pastyme, talke or synge, or some instrument vse

Though they be thy betters, they wyll not the refuse.

Whether he was in youth a Chorister, impressed for the service ? and forced from his home and school like Tusser was—

There for my voice, I must (no choice)
Away of force, like posting horse;
For sundry men had placards then

Such child to take.
Tusser, Author's Life, in Thoms's Book of the Court, p. 381

(from Hawkins, ii. 526, iii. 466)— we do not know; nor does he tell us whether as a child of the

It was not until the reign of Henry VIII. that the duties of the Chapel Royal were performed at St James's Palace, which was first built by that monarch. Thoms.

2 Sce Henry VI.'s precept dated 1454, authorizing this measure, in Rymer's Fædera, says Thoms. (Hawkins refers to Strype, Mem. Eccl., v. ii. p. 538-9, for the authority to seize children in Edward the Sixth's time.)

1 find the following as to how Henry VI. supplied himself with Minstrels.

De Ministrallis propter Solatium Regis providendis (A.D. 1456, an 34 H. 6, Pat. 34, H. 6. m. 19).

Rex, dilectis sibi Waltero Halyday, Roberto Marshall, Willielmo Wykes, & Johanni Clyffe, Salutem.

Sciatis quòd Nos, considerantes qualiter quidam Ministralli nostri jam tarde Viam universæ Carnis sunt ingressi, aliisque, loco ipsorum, propter Solatium nostrum de necesse indigentes, Assignavimus vos, conjunctim & divisim, ad quosdam Pueros, Membris Naturalibus Elegantes, in Arte Ministrellatûs instructos, ubicunque invenire poterint, tàm infra Libertates, quàm extra, Capiendum, & in Servitio nostro ad Vadia nostra Ponendum ;

Et ideo vobis Mandamus quòd circa Præmissa diligenter intendatis, ac ea faciatis & exequamini in formâ prædictâ . . Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium decimo die Martis. Ryıner, xi. 375.

Edward IV. formed his minstrels into a Fra nity or Gild. See the Patent in Rymer, xi. 6 12-4.

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chappell he was whipped for any Prince's faults, as the custom was! Was he ever snubbed by the Dean, I wonder, who had “all corrections of chapell-men in moribus et scienciareserved some cases to the Steward and countyng house 4" ?—Was he ever found “defectife or disobedient, and putt oute of wages" on a Friday when the Dean “kept a conventicle with all the chapell-men, and there rehersed their fautes and appointed the remedies ??" Did he prove one of “the rascals and hangers upon thys courte," who were to “be sought oute and avoyded from euery office monethly 3?" Far be it from us to believe so. He was never sent to the Marchalcye Prison by suspection (we may be sure), “as a theefe or outrageous royatour, or for muche hauntyng sclaunderous places, companyes and other," nor was he “knowen for a commyn dayly drunkyn man": he was not of the "pykers, malefactours of outward people or inward," nor did he use “to swere customably by Goddes body, or any of his other partes unreverently, against the Kinges vertuous disposition and the law of God," but lived as a man of worship, endowed with moral virtues, as by his ordinance he was bound to do. If he had the chance of playing at “pryckis” with his burly Sovereign like William Crane, the Master of the Children, up to (and perhaps beyond) 1541, had, no doubt he took the chance, and tried to win £7. 2s. 6d. of his King as Master Crane succeeded in doing '; but for any such

1 Burnet (Oun Times, i. 244, says Hawkins, iii. 252-3) mentions Barnaby Fitzpatric as whipping-boy to Prince Edward, and a Mr Murray as whipping-boy to Charles I. The working of the process is well explained by an old comedy of Christopher Tye's, quoted by Mr Thoms (from Hawkins): Cranmer : So, sir, this policie was well devised.

Since he was whipped thus for the Prince's faults,
His grace hath got more knowledge in a month
Than he attained in a year before:
For still the fearful boy, to save his breech,

Doth hourlye haunt him wheresoe'er he goes.
Tye : 'Tis true, my lord, and now the Prince perceives it;

As loath to see him punished for his faults,

Plies it on purpose to redeeme the boy, &c.
Household Ordinances, p. 49.

3 Ib. p. 66. 4 Ib. p. 67. 5 The last daye [of June, 1532) paied to William Crane for so moche money as he wanne of the kingis grace at pryckis, xix Angellis, in money currant vij li. ij s. vjd. Nicolas's Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VIII, from Nov. 1529 to Dec. 1632

7

details about him we must wait for the publication of a later Household Book of Henry VIII.'s or an earlier one of Edward VI.'s than I have been able to find, and meantime judge Hewe Rodes from his book. He seems to me a regular sobersides, with little or no fun or humour in him, not a man to make fast friends, though eminently respectable, and with an eye to the main chance, if we may judge from his directions to The Wayting Servant as to what company he should keep : Petit's edition.

Ed. of 1577. For your promocyon resort to such For your preferment resorte as ye may take avauntage,

to such as may you vauntage: Among gentylmen for rewardes, Among Gentlemen, for their rewards, to gentylwomen for mariage

to honest dames for maryage. Se your eye be indyfferent,

See your eye be indifferent amonge women that be fayre among women that be fayre; And tell them storyes of loue, And if they be honest, to them

& so to you they wyll repayre; boldly then doe repayre; Suche pastymes somtyme

Honest quallityes and gentle doth many men auaunce

many men doth aduaunce In way of maryage,

To good maryages, trust me, and your good name it wylenhaunce. and their names doth inhaunce. There you have the man, I fancy. Propriety and Deportment, Honesty and Gentleness, pay; therefore pursue them. But there is much else in the book that may be urged against this view of the author, as the reader will find if he reads the book, though still on me the former impression remains. It is confirmed, too, by the fulsome panegyric" on Queen Mary, on which Warton remarks in his notice of Rodes's other poem. Warton (iii. 265, ed. 1840) says of Rodes,

(ed. 1827), p. 227. I take this to be, not prick-song, but the pricks for shooting, which Ascham testifies in his Toxophilus that Henry VIII. practised :

“ Again, there is another thing, which above all other doth move me, not only to love shooting, to praise shooting, to exhort all other to shooting, but also to use shooting myself; and that is our King (Henry the Eighth] his most royal purpose and will, which in all his statutes [3 Henry VIII., cap. 3; 6 Hen. VIII., cap. 3; 25 Hen. VIII., cap. 17; 33 Hen. VIII., cap. 9) generally doth command men, and with his own mouth most gently doth exhort men, and by his great gifts and rewards greatly doth encourage men, and with his most princely example very often doth provoke all other men to the same." ed. Giles, 1865, p. 25.

(Cp. 20th March, 1531. Paid to George Coton, for vii shott lost by the Kings grace unto him at Totthill, at 6s. 8d. the shotte, xlvj s. viij d., and the other entries from Nicolas, in Hansard's Archery, p. 40.) See Note at end of Preface. 1 May not he be allowed some for lines 441-4, p. 36,

A wonderfull thing this is to doe,

and easy to be done :
To leaue pleasure, and keepe sylence,

and to follow reason,

“In the following reign of Mary, the same poet printed a poem consisting of thirty-six octave stanzas, entitled, “The Song of the Chyld-BYSSHOP, as it was songe before the queenes maiestie in her priuie chamber at her manour of saynt James in the ffeeldes on saynt Nicholas day and Innocents day this yeare nowe present, by the chylde bysshope of Poules churche with his company. Londini, in ædibus Johannis Cawood, typographi reginæ, 1555. Cum privilegio, &c. By admitting this spectacle into her presence, it appears that her majesty's bigotry condescended to give countenance to the most ridiculous and unmeaning ceremony of the Roman ritual. As to the song itself, it is a fulsome panegyric on the queen's devotion, in which she is compared to Judith, Esther, the queen of Sheba, and the virgin Mary.”

One good quality Rodes certainly had, modesty as to his poetical powers. He says,

I am full blynde in Poets Arte,

thereof I can no skill : All elloquence I put apart,

following myne owne wyll. Corrupt in speeche, be sure, am I,

my breefes from longes to know, And born and bred in Denonshyre to,

as playne my tearmes doe show. Take the best, and leaue the worst,

of truth I meane no yll : The matter is not curyous,

the intent good, marke it well.
Pardon I aske if I offend

thus boldly now to wryte:
To Mayster, seruaunt, yong and olde,

I doe this booke commit,
Requyring friendly youth and age,

if any doe amis,
For to refourme and hate abuse,

and mend where neede there is.

"In quarto, bl, lett. (Warton), A.D. 1555. See in Dibdin's Ames, vol. iv. p. 394. Ritson observes on this statement of Warton's as to Rodes's poem, that it “ seems to require some further authority,” Bibliogr. Poet., p. 315, and in a note says, “ Herbert, in p. 1794, asserts a copy of this book to be in possession of

Francis Douce, esquire ;' who never had, nor saw, nor (except from what Warton says) ever hear'd of such a thing.” Modern inquirers after this poem are in Douce's

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