'By all means let all be judged by the times in which they lived. Those times had a good deal in common with our own; but in some respects they were removed as widely from ours as the poles. For the sixteenth century was an age teeming with events of the utmost significance, and with discoveries of unparalleled interest, proclaiming a host of new truths on the housetop to the minds of men, and forcing convictions upon them, that made the reformation of the Church which had been so long desired, but as often staved off, not merely possible, but imperative. Much of this is strangely similar to what we ourselves have gone through. On the other hand, it was an age that awarded ferocious treatment to the apostles of new opinions who had commonly, therefore, to maintain them at the cost of their lives, and of sufferings infinitely worse than death. We, who live in days when rebellion is treated as a political offence, and all political offenders are let off with us scot free-when religious toleration is extended to all religions, including the religion of atheism-must throw ourselves into the condition of those who were liable to be burnt to death at any moment for denying a doctrine so repugnant to plain common sense as transubstantiation, before we can sit in judgment on human frailties and involuntary tergiversations in those who went about carrying their lives in their hands, and willingly parted with them in defending truths which most of us now account sacred; but which not one in a million of this easy-going age would think it his duty to incur any loss to uphold in integrity, if it was attacked by men in power, or by men in possession of the public ear' (pp. 221, 222).

Mr. Ffoulkes remarks the singular coincidence that the pillar against which Cranmer leant during his trial is that by which Newman was wont to kneel when he was going to preach at St. Mary's. The three hundred years which severed them from each other hardly measures the distance between the aims they set before themselves; yet each in his day fulfilled, although imperfectly, the work God had designed for him. We could wish that the archbishop had been less pliant, that the father of the Oxford revival had been able to set his face as a flint and to stand his ground in the Church of his forefathers; but it is idle to enter upon speculations on what might have been or to attempt a solution of the deep mysteries of Providence. Quisque suos patimur manes. It was a refinement of cold-blooded cruelty which allowed Cranmer to have the first intimation of his execution during Cole's sermon as he stood opposite the preacher. Did the grace come then and there which turned the wrath of man to an occasion of praise?

A scene enacted in St. Mary's before Queen Elizabeth presents a remarkable contrast to the hurried royal ceremonial of our own days:

'A large fair scaffold was set up for the performance of the disputations, reaching from the nether (west) end of the church to the door of the choir. Towards the upper end was a void place left, wherein a travys (cross-beam) was set up, and underneath, a cloth of state for the Queen, and by it a partition made for the ladies and maids of honour . . Thither September 3, being Tuesday (1566), the Queen with her nobility went on foot (from Christ Church where she lodged) to hear disputations in natural and moral philosophy, continuous from 2 of the clock till 6. On September 4 she came again at the same hour, and stayed as long, to hear disputations in civil law. And on September 5 she was present for the 3rd time to hear disputations first in medicine, which were short, and then in theology which could not be finished, they were so long. Each day she is reported to have listened attentively to all that was said, and was free with her observations when anything struck her particularly for admiration or satire. About six of the clock (on the third day) the Queen, of her own benignity, concluded the Act, to the very great delight and rejoicing of many hundred then present, with a short speech in Latin of her own, ending with the words: "Votum meum hoc erit, ut me vivente sitis florentissimi, me mortuâ beatissimi." The next day, after dinner, as she was about to leave Christ Church, Mr. Tobie Mathew spake an oration before her, which she liking very well, nominated him her scholar. Afterwards, accompanied by the Earl of Leicester, who was then chancellor, and a vast concourse, on reaching the forest of Shotover, and being told by him that the liberties of the University reached no farther that way, turning her face towards Oxford, she said, "Farewell the worthy University of Oxford, farewell my good subjects there, farewell my dear scholars, and may God prosper your studies, farewell, farewell" (pp. 244, 5).

As we draw nearer to our own days there is less that is unfamiliar in the history of St. Mary's. The opening of the sixteenth century witnessed one of those outbursts of violence which stain, at different periods, the annals of Oxford, between southern and northern scholars. At one of these on August 8, 1505, just outside St. Mary's in High Street, many graduates and undergraduates were killed. Even so late as the year 1714, amongst the decrees issued for the funeral of Dr. Radcliffe, there is one that jars strangely upon our ideas of the propriety which we should assume to be inviolable under the circumstances.

All Bachelors of Arts,' it reads, and undergraduates are hereby strictly commanded to behave themselves in a manner suitable to so solemn an occasion. And all persons whatsoever are enjoined, upon the severest penalties, not to tear off the escutcheons, or to make any disturbance in the Church, the Divinity School, or in any part of the procession; and all magistrates are to take care that no disorder may happen through the whole course of the solemnity, or at least that no offender may go unpunished' (pp. 349-50).

Our paper has almost reached its permitted length; nor is there need to dwell on the chapters which treat of the revolution and the dynasty of Hanover. In each the reader will find much that is worthy of his attention: much that will tend to correct current mistakes about epochs of Church history which we, perhaps, too complacently regard as very inferior to our own: much that will tend to soften harsh judgment even when we cannot honestly approve. The subject of the last chapter, Cardinal Newman as Vicar of St. Mary's, has been too frequently and too variously before us of late to admit of the fragmentary handling of which a final page could at best allow. For the finished logician, the deeply spiritual preacher, the devoted large-hearted Christian priest, Mr. Ffoulkes has unbounded admiration, and his sorrow is proportionate over the mistake which led him to pass over to a communion where the writer knows by experience he must have encountered-possibly in aggravated form-the ills he fondly hoped that he was leaving behind him.

The peculiarity of Mr. Ffoulkes's method of performing his task comes yet more prominently in its later chapters. A sermon of John Wesley's given at full length, a hymn by his brother Charles compared with the Dream of Gerontius, a long analysis of whole sets of Bampton Lectures, interrupt in singular fashion the flow of the narrative, and we turn with startling abruptness from theology to history, from discussion upon some of the deepest problems of divinity to descriptions which might grace the pages of the Morning Post. Yet in and through all these runs a clear thread of continuity. The great University and its church might truly arrogate to themselves the broad assertion-we are national in the best sense of the word, and nothing which has concerned the national history lies beyond the limits of our ken.

It has been extremely difficult within the limits of a brief review to notice and to bring to a focus so heterogeneous a mass of material as Mr. Ffoulkes has gathered into his pages. Great as is the variety of subjects we have touched upon, we have been compelled to omit many points of interest without so much as a passing reference to them. We would fain have given some particulars of the Church accounts and University expenses at different periods, of the fees paid for Masses and burials and other kindred topics, of the succession of St. Mary's vicars from the Reformation downwards, of the lines which connect the University church with the separate colleges, of the gradual detachment of the church from the exercises of the various faculties, of the royal festivities, of the notices of

men of light and leading,' which crowd the concluding chapters. As we recall the long line of names duly qualified to serve God in Church and State that must be marshalled in the briefest review taken by such a history, we feel that we are citizens of no mean country, and would take home the lesson which such memories suggest. From the days of Grossetete and Edward I. down to those of the Iron Duke, a lofty sense of duty has upheld the Church and the nation in the unique position to which both have attained. The glory and the empire of Great Britain have been acquired by men trained by a liberal education and disciplined by nurture in the fear of God. In these two primary elements Mr. Ffoulkes rightly discerns the secret of England's greatness. In their continued and combined influence over generations yet to come lies the only well-founded hope against England's gradual, if not speedy, decay.

ART. VII.-APOLLINARIUS OF LAODICEA. 1. Texte u. Untersuchungen, &c, von Oscar von Gebhardt u. Adolf Harnack. VII. Band, Heft 3 und 4. Apollinarios von Lacdicea-sein Leben u. seine Schriften. Nebst einem Anhang Apollinarii quæ supersunt Dogmatica. Von Dr. JOHANNES DRÄSEKE. (Leipzig, 1892.) 2. Gesammelte patristische Untersuchungen. Von Dr. JOHANNES DRÄSEKE. (Altona und Leipzig, 1889.) 3. Texte, &c. III. Band, Heft 1 und 2. Leontius von Byzanz. Von FRIEDRICH LOOFS. (Leipzig, 1887.)

A HISTORY of the life and dogmatic opinions of Apollinarius is, in view of the fragmentary remains of that writer, which are all that we possess, a most difficult undertaking. Yet, thanks to the great and painstaking industry of his German editor, Dr. von Dräseke, this task has been accomplished with most interesting and useful results. It was a task which occupied the writer many years, and must have involved considerable research.

There were two Apollinarii, father and son, both wellknown and able men. The younger was the heresiarch. Both father and son appear to have had a share in the famous translation of the Old Testament into Greek verse, epic, lyric, and dramatic, which they prepared for use in Christian schools when Julian forbade the classics to be taught by Christians.

We propose to confine ourselves to the merits of the

younger Apollinarius as a theologian. His literary power is of a high order, but our interest in him is mainly dogmatic. The researches of Von Dräseke have made it necessary to reconsider the traditional view about him, and may perhaps in some degree, though only in minor points, modify the prevailing impressions as to the character of his teaching.

Perhaps, too, we may be led to form a somewhat more favourable opinion of the heresiarch himself, though he must still be regarded as the author of a most pernicious heresy.

It will be as well to begin with a brief statement of what has hitherto been generally accepted as to his teaching. Canon Bright' gives the following account of his heresy :

'A learned and able prelate, an old friend of St. Athanasius, intent on opposing Arianism, he fell into error through ill-directed reverence. He appealed to the true and deep-seated Christian conviction of the singleness of Christ's Person, and of His absolute sinlessness. But he gave to these ideas a one-sided and erroneous expression. He assumed that, if Christ had all the constituents of Humanity, the "two complete" natures thus supposed would make two persons; and that, although Christ might assume an "animal soul" or x, without compromising His Divine sanctity, the intelligent soul or vous, the seat of choice, was necessarily instinct with capacities for evil, and therefore Christ had no such soul, but the Word supplied its place. . . . Apollinaris was condemned by Councils at Rome in 377, at Alexandria in 378, at Constantinople in 381. . . . Some of his adherents, from denying to Christ a human mind, proceeded to deny Him a human body. They revived in substance the old Valentinian notion, saying that His body was not formed from the Virgin, but was a portion of the Divine Essence clothed with matter. . . . Apollinaris himself, according to his own declarations, did not go beyond asserting that Christ's flesh, while really derived from the Virgin, might be called consubstantial with the Word, because of its close union with Him. . . . Language, indeed, was quoted as his, which went much further: and whether he was disingenuous or inconsistent, or, on the other hand, was charged with what he had never said, some of his friends and followers, at a very early period, had spoken of the Lord's body . . as actually, in its own substance, divine. This was the view of the extreme section of the Apollinarians, led by Polemon and Timotheus, as against the moderate section led by Valentinus.'

...

It will be seen that Canon Bright hesitates to impute to Apollinarius the extreme opinions of some of his followers. A similar hesitancy is found in the late Dr. Swainson's History of the Creeds (p. 87): 'We may possibly say that Apollinarius held that our Lord flowed through the Virgin, without partaking of her substance.'