offended majesty of Elizabeth." And in a note, he adds: "If we look at the conduct of Government, after the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, we shall not find that the praise of superior lenity is due to more modern times." These statements are the more valuable, because every fact brought to light by the increased facilities of historical research in our day shows that Lingard invariably understated the case for the Catholics, and notably for Queen Mary.

Besides De Noailles, there was another foreign spy, who, under the cloak of an Ambassador, was in secret league with the Protestant party, to render Mary's Government odious. This was the Venetian Envoy Soranzo. As soon as he discovered the Emperor's intention of marrying his son to the Queen of England, he began to see in the projected alliance, a danger to his own Government, on account of the increased importance which would accrue to the Imperial dominions. From that moment he made it his business to intrigue in every possible way against the marriage, so that De Vargas, the Imperial Ambassador at Venice, complained of it to the Signoria, and demanded a cessation of these covert hostilities. Nevertheless, it was Soranzo who furnished Sir Thomas Wyatt with arms and ammunition for the revolt.* Soranzo was recalled soon after this, in the hope that more cordial relations might be established between England and Venice; but his successor, Michiel, proved to be as French in his politics as Soranzo, and in his letters to the Doge his anti-Spanish prejudices are the medium through which all his information is conveyed.

On the day of Lady Jane Grey's execution Courtenay was sent to the Tower. The different construction put upon Mary's conduct by the French and Venetian and the Imperial Ambassadors is curious and instructive. While Renard urges the Emperor to counsel the Queen against yielding too much to her inclination to pardon traitors, De Noailles, the echo of the Venetian Envoy, eager to push the King of France to extremes, expatiates on what he considers Mary's cruelty, in causing her sister to be arrested, and Wyatt and the other promoters of rebellion to be executed.

Lest the King should not be moved hereby to the pitch of indignation required, he cunningly insinuates that it is enough to be suspected of enmity to France to gain Mary's entire favour.

Meanwhile Parliament had assembled, and had ratified the Queen's Marriage Treaty, April 23rd, 1554. Gardiner having had experience of De Noailles' treachery, and foreseeing the con

* Friedmann. Preface to "Les Dépêches de Giovanni Michiel," p. 31.

sequences to which it might lead, withdrew his opposition. The necessity of creating some preponderating influence to parry the French thrusts in the dark, was great, and France had, moreover, by the betrothal of the little Queen of Scots to the Dauphin, taken up a position which threatened the independence of the English Crown. In default of issue by Mary, the next legitimate descendant of Henry VIII. was the Queen of Scots, and thus England was in danger of becoming a mere appanage of France. After some debate, in which guarantees were given that no Spaniard should be allowed to take office in the Government, and that the liberties, franchises, and honour of the people should be scrupulously observed, Mary addressed both Houses in a speech which was frequently interrupted by loud acclamations, and shouts of "God save the Queen." At its conclusion Parliament was dissolved, and both Lords and Commons assured her that her husband would be received with every demonstration of duty and affection.

The ratification of the Marriage Treaty on the part of the Emperor and of Philip had already taken place. The Count of Egmont had been sent to espouse the Queen in the name of the Prince of Spain, and had put a costly ring on her finger sent for that purpose by the Emperor on behalf of his son. Mary had taken the opportunity to repeat to Philip's proxy the substance of her declaration to the English people at the Guildhall.

She had not determined to marry through dislike of celibacy, nor had she chosen the Prince of Spain through respect of kindred. In the one and the other her chief object had been to promote the honour of her crown, and to secure the tranquillity of her realm. To her people she had pledged her faith on the day of her coronation; it was her firm resolve to redeem that pledge; nor would she ever permit affection for her husband to seduce her from this-the first, the most sacred of her duties.

Philip landed at Southampton on the 19th July, 1554, on the anniversary of Mary's accession, and remained there four days, in order that the Queen might remove from Windsor Castle to Winchester, which was to be the scene of the marriage ceremonies. He had been invested with the Order of the Garter the moment he set foot on English soil, and the Queen had sent him a Spanish genet with rich trappings, on which he rode to the parish church at Southampton to return thanks for his prosperous voyage, a royal salute having been fired from all the ships in the harbour. He took an oath to observe the laws of the realm. He made the English lords who had been sent to meet him, a Latin speech, in which he told them that he was come to live among them as a native Englishman and not as a foreigner; he VOL. XXIII.—NO. 11. [Third Series.]

sent the Queen a present of jewels, he dismissed his fleet, only a stipulated number of Spanish grandees and followers being allowed to land, and then set out for Winchester. The descriptions of Philip's person and bearing, of the impression he created, and the manner of his reception by the people, are so conflicting in the different accounts of his arrival that it is difficult to arrive at any certain conclusion. Lingard says that "his youth, the grace of his person, the pleasure displayed in his countenance, charmed the spectators: they saluted him with cries of God save your Grace,' and he, turning on either side, expressed his thankfulness for their congratulations."

He is said to have promised to be "grateful, affable, and affectionate," and to have shown his intention of conforming to English customs, by pledging the deputation from the Queen in a tankard of ale. An enthusiastic admirer describes him as "so well proportioned of bodi, arnie, legge, and every other limme to the same, as nature cannot worke a more perfect paterne."

According to the French Ambassador it was necessary to order the people to light bonfires to express the joy which they did not feel,

It is quite true that before this rejoicing demonstration the Mayor was in nearly every street commanding their part in it, in the name of his mistress, the Queen, under the penalty usual in this country, which is no other than penalty of life. So that the affair was rather constraint than affection.*

De Noailles may well be suspected of some exaggeration, all the circumstances considered, He absented himself from the wedding ceremony not only to express the disapprobation of his Royal master, but in order that the Imperial Ambassador might not take precedence of him, the King of France esteeming himself the first and greatest King of all Christendom, Eldest Son of the Church, and very Christian monarch. But in support of his statement is the fact that Philip's portraits, in no way, answer to the eulogistic descriptions we have quoted. His dull, colourless complexion, his long serious face unrelaxed by a smile, his sandy hair, his cold unsympathetic glance might well have failed to attract at first sight, while we know from subsequent events that by his haughty bearing. his taciturn and suspicious manner, he won for himself later on the fear and dislike of the English nation. It is therefore most probable that the bulk of the people

"Bien est vrai qu'avaut la démonstration de cette réjouissance, le maire fut presque par toutes les rues pour leur en faire commandement de la part de la reine sa mâitresse, sur la peine accontumée en ce pays, qui n'est autre que de la vie; de façon qu'il ya eu en cela plus de contrainte que d'affection." M. De Noailles à M. le Connétable, 23 juillet, 1554.

were neither carried away with enthusiasm, nor altogether apathetic. They had protested against the marriage, their protests had been overruled, and with that doggedness, which is as much a part of the English character as is their native pluck, they put as good a face upon the matter as they could.

Philip arrived at Winchester on the 23rd, and took up his lodging in the Bishop's palace, and the next day he saw Mary for the first time. On the 25th, the Feast of St. James of Compostella, the Patron Saint of Spain, the marriage ceremony was performed by Gardiner.

The Queen, with a gallant train of lords and ladies, and Philip with Figuera, the latter's father, the emperor's ambassador, and other foreigners of distinction, repaired to the Cathedral. Here they were received with the utmost solemnity by the bishop and his clergy, who conducted them to the chapel of the Queen's patroness, the Blessed Virgin Mary, which was chosen for the scene of this important ceremony. As soon as this was concluded, the ambassador, in the name of the emperor, presented Philip with an instrument, by which he conferred upon him the kingdom of Naples with its dependencies. This, in some degree, put the royal pair upon a footing of equality. Accordingly, the trumpets being sounded, they were solemnly proclaimed by the following style, in the English, Latin, and French languages: Philip and Mary, by the Grace of God, King and Queen of England, France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland; Defenders of the Faith; Princes of Spain and Sicily, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Milan, Burgundy, and Brabant; Counts of Habsburgh, Flanders, and Tyrol. This done, the King and Queen marched out of the church together, hand in hand, and two swords were carried before them, to denote their distinct capacities in the public government.*

In the accomplishment of this union Mary had triumphed over the Revolution; she had shown that the old Tudor spirit had not departed from her sceptre, but that, more than any other Tudor, she had the best interests of the people at heart, and was willing to sacrifice everything to them saving her conscience and honour. In pursuit of this end she had reached the summit of what little happiness fell to her lot; and the rest of her days were "few and evil."

J. M. STONE.

Milner's" Antiquities of Winchester," p. 270.

TH

ART. VI.—THE TYPICAL CHARACTER OF THE

COVENANT SACRIFICE.

HE close parallelism between the sacrifice at the foot of Mount Sinai with that of our Divine Lord on the Cross seems to have been somewhat strangely overlooked; and yet it is so striking in many particulars as to cause the idea at once to arise that it was designedly typical.

And I use the word typical here to express not merely a resemblance, but a foreshowing, as distinct and precise as any verbal prophecy. Indeed a type, strictly so-called, is a prophecy, but expressed by facts instead of by words; and it is no less divine in its origin and purpose, and no less powerful in producing conviction than a prophecy that is expressed verbally.

Types, however, are of different classes: some being expressly declared to be such by our Lord Himself-as, for instance, Jonas being swallowed by the whale, and restored to land, or the manua in the wilderness. The former was expressly intended by God as a symbol of our Lord's death and resurrection, and the latter of the Holy Eucharist. To this class must be added any other types mentioned as such in Holy Scripture-as, for example, the Flood, which is expressly mentioned by St. Peter (1 Pet. iii. 21) as a figure of Baptism.

In a second class may be placed such facts and events as are quoted as typical in the office or liturgy of the Church—such as the sacrifice of Melchisedec, quoted in the Missal in reference to the Mass, or the Tabernacle which, in the Office of the Immaculate Conception, is alluded to as a type of our Lady. "Sanctificavit tabernaculum suum Altissimus."

A third class of types is made up of those mentioned as such in the writings of the Fathers, which are very numerous.

All these are types and prophetical beyond doubt, and serve to connect most closely the Patriarchal and Mosaic dispensations with the Christian one, for which those earlier dispensations were intended as preparative.

But besides these we may form a fourth class of such types as appear to be such from their accurate correspondence with the events and facts of Christianity; and this, because St. Paul assures us (Rom. xv. 4) that "what things soever were written, were written for our learning, that through patience and the comfort of the Scriptures we might have hope;" while if we rejected a symbolical meaning, much of that which is written in Holy Scripture would be altogether without meaning to us. And again,