The band of philanthropists in England kept a close watch upon the proceedings of the Congress, and were much exercised in their minds as to the advantages which might accrue to some of the more comprehensive of their benevolent schemes if properly pressed upon the attention of the plenipotentiaries at Verona. On the 19th of October Zachary Macaulay writes: In all my communications with the Duke I have pressed the point of privacy as strongly as I could. Both the Duke and the Emperor seem earnest. May God bless what is doing!' In answer to a suggestion from Mr. Wilberforce that it might be possible to induce the Pope to co-operate with them in their Abolition proceedings, he writes on October 22: 'I wish we had thought of the Pope before. I never once dreamed of his existence in all my musings on our affairs. He ought certainly to be got to publish a Bull. Can you not set Canning on this? He is a favourite with the Pope.' This was done, and before long Canning sent to Mr. Wilberforce the draft of a letter to Cardinal Gonsalvi.

CHAPTER XII

BUSINESS EMBARRASSMENTS

THE creation of the African Institution after the abolition of the Slave Trade had been hailed with satisfaction by all who desired to see that infamous traffic finally swept away, and it fulfilled the expectations raised by its establishment. The constitution of the board was a remarkable one; the Duke of Gloucester presided and scarcely ever was absent from a meeting, while the peers and members of Parliament who formed the greater proportion of working members were unremitting in their attendance. But the same reasons which had contributed to render it a powerful instrument in the hands of the Abolitionists at its commencement and for some years afterwards, served rather to retard than to accelerate progress in the great cause when interest in the subject of slavery became more widely disseminated throughout the country. The influence that a committee, which included among its numbers no less than five Premiers, besides numerous other members of each Ministry, was capable of exercising upon the Governments of foreign nations was absolutely invaluable, and it also constituted a repository which was easily accessible of trustworthy information upon the Slave Trade at home and abroad.

But as time went on it became plain to the discerning eyes of one at least of the members of the board that the work of the African Institution was completed, and that now a society of a more popular and elastic nature was needed; a society that should be capable of inaugurating the radical improvement that was urgently required in the condition of the slaves, and of pursuing the vigorous measures which alone could accomplish it.

'This substitution of the power of Anti-slavery association was an improvement of which the credit was mainly due to Mr.

Macaulay. No man knew better than himself the vast importance of diffusing knowledge on any topic on which the public were required to act, and it was therefore part of his plan to publish Colonial intelligence in a periodical work. He undertook to be its editor and compiler. Hence originated the Anti-Slavery Reporter, the first number of which appeared on the 30th of June 1825; and thus was formed the nucleus of a system to which, under the blessing of God, all the subsequent success must be ascribed.'1

In Macaulay's opinion the time had arrived when it was desirable to organise a system of agitation through the length and breadth of the land; and heartily as the Duke of Gloucester sympathised with the cause of Emancipation, it was impossible for a Royal Duke and for Cabinet Ministers and other members of the Government to lend their names to such a course of action.

But all things come to those who can wait, and the opportunity for an alteration of policy came in the natural course of events. Mr. Wilberforce, finding that his growing infirmities debarred him from the conflict which he had hitherto conducted with so much success, had with the approbation of his friends taken the important step of offering the leadership of the Antislavery party to one who indeed proved worthy of the trust.

Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton was a man singularly fitted by nature to occupy the position the acceptance of which was now urged upon him. His ability, sincerity and determination of purpose were calculated to inspire confidence in his followers; he spoke easily and well, and was always heard in the House of Commons with attention; and in addition to his other recommendations he was endowed with a kindly and generous spirit which conciliated opposition. He felt considerable hesitation, however, as to acceding to the proposal of undertaking so difficult and arduous a task; and in the course of the autumn of 1822 Macaulay accompanied Mr. Wilberforce on a visit to Cromer Hall, where Buxton was then residing, in order to assist in overcoming his reluctance by argument and entreaty. But Buxton had meanwhile, after deep and earnest reflection, come to the decision that the path of duty was too clearly marked before him for any choice to be exercised as to entering upon

1 Anti-Slavery Recollections.

it or avoiding it; and therefore upon their arrival they had the satisfaction of being able at once to enter upon business.

Buxton had summoned to meet them Lord Suffield, and Dr. Lushington, who had a few days before written to Macaulay: 'I cannot express to you the pleasure I feel at your coming to Cromer. Your superior knowledge of the subject, and inextinguishable zeal, will, I hope, enable us to do some real good.'

The question of what would be the wisest course of action in future was now discussed in all its bearings, a plan of campaign was sketched out, and their various parts assigned to each member of the conclave. Macaulay, as has been seen, had already matured in his mind the scheme of an association that should be formed with the special view of organising those active measures against slavery in which the more cautious members of the African Institution shrank from involving themselves. He now felt that the moment had arrived for putting the idea into execution; and his colleagues agreed fully, and assisted in every way to bring the new society into being. In January 1823 the same friends assembled again at Marden Park, under the roof of Mr. Wilberforce, and to use the words of his biography: 'Long and deep were their deliberations how best to shape those measures which were to change the structure of society throughout the western world.' Indeed there was little intermission in the work of preparation for the supreme effort. On the 5th of February Macaulay writes to Mr. Wilberforce: 'We are to have a select party to-morrow at Lord Calthorpe's, purposely to talk over slavery. If therefore you are drawn to town, you will know where the conspirators are assembled.' And again on the 8th of February he writes: 'I have had two long talks with Brougham, and have gradually opened to him our feelings and views. I cannot help hoping that we have gained him. He offered voluntarily to write an article on slavery for the very next Edinburgh Review! Macaulay was much engrossed also with the formation of the Anti-Slavery Society. The offices were taken for it in Aldermanbury, and at first the change of tactics was viewed with some suspicion by the older members of the party. The Christian Observer says: 'Mr. Macaulay projected the Anti-Slavery Society. We can well remember that he was looked upon for this as a visionary and wild enthusiast, even by some of his nearest

friends. Before long a periodical publication under the auspices of the Society became necessary, and in the pages of the AntiSlavery Reporter we found an ample supply of important materials, which, in common with all other Anti-slavery advocates, we rejoiced largely and gratefully to use.'

The Anti-Slavery Reporters, which Macaulay continued to publish regularly till his death, were of absolutely vital importance to the cause of Emancipation. To the Anti-Slavery Reporters all the combatants for the freedom of their unhappy fellow-creatures held in a bondage worse than death looked for their supply of ammunition for the battle. When once facts were passed by Macaulay, no further confirmation was required. They were accepted as established by friends and foes alike without demur, and to use the words of an eminent member of Parliament, 'Whatever Macaulay says may be taken for gospel and quoted.' Besides the Reporters he showered forth pamphlets upon every part of the subject, and it is not possible to exaggerate the weight which was attached by the advocates of the cause to his opinion, and to the information which he collected and arranged for their use. You and Stephen are the authorsgeneral for our cause,' writes Mr. Wilberforce; and the Editor of the Christian Observer, Mr. Wilks, bears a testimony, which is specially valuable as coming from a contemporary of Macaulay, to the humility with which he accepted criticism of his own literary productions.

'Some features of our friend's character ought to be noted, especially his repugnance to harsh words in controversy, and his great modesty in reference to his own opinions in writing and his openness to conviction, though from his patience of research and his calmness of judgment those who knew him always regarded his conclusions with great deference. Thus, for example, upon our sending him some animadversions, in our opinion unmerited, upon the reprehension with which he had spoken, in the Anti-Slavery Reporter, of the conduct of the French Government respecting the Slave Trade, though he was not really more severe than Lord Londonderry and the Duke of Wellington in their diplomatic papers, he says: "I return Mr.'s note, for which I am sure I feel obliged to him. So few will take the trouble of amicably telling us our faults in private, that we ought to feel grateful to those who do."

'Mr. Macaulay's great calmness of spirit, with his correctness