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as participating in this murder. The monk of Croyland, a contemporary, merely says it was done by "certain persons;" and Fabyan, a boy at the time, that the king" strake him with his gauntlet upon the face; after which stroke so by him received, he was by the king's servants incontinently slain."]

To my Mother.

MOTHER, I recommend me to you, letting you weet, that blessed be God, my brother John (Paston) is alive and fareth well, and in no peril of death; nevertheless he is hurt with an arrow on his right arm beneath the elbow; and I have sent him a surgeon, which hath dressed him, and he telleth me that he trusteth that he shall be all whole within right short time.

It is so that John Mylsent is dead, God have mercy on his soul! and William Mylsent is alive, and his other servants all be escaped by all likelihood.

Item, as for me, I am in good case, blessed be God; and in no jeopardy of my life as me list myself; for I am at my liberty if need be.

Item, my lord archbishop is in the Tower; nevertheless I trust to God that he shall do well enough: he hath a safeguard for him and me both; nevertheless we have been troubled since, but now I understand that he hath a pardon; and so we hope well.

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1 George Nevile, Archbishop of York;-it was from the custody of this prelate that Edward escaped, after having been surprised and taken prisoner by the Earl of Warwick in 1470; perhaps the kind treatment of his then prisoner now procured his pardon.

2 The bodies of these two noblemen were exposed three days to public view in St. Paul's Cathedral, and then buried at Bisham Abbey, Berkshire.

3 Sir William Tyrel was cousin to Sir James Tyrel, the afterwards supposed murderer of Edward V. and his brother the Duke of York.

4 Humphery Bourchier, third son of Henry Earl of Essex, had summons to parliament in 1461, as Lord Cromwell, in right of his wife.

5 William Fienes, Lord Say.

6 Son of John Lord Berners.

7 This number is considerably less than the least

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As for other tidings, (it) is understood here, that the Queen Margaret is verily landed and her son in the west country, and I trow (believe) that as to-morrow, or else the next day, the King Edward will depart from hence to her ward to drive her out again.

Item, I beseech you that I may be recommended to my cousin Lomner, and to thank him for his good will to me ward if I had had need, as I understood by the bearer hereof; and I beseech you on my behalf to advise him to be well ware of his dealing or language as yet, for the world I assure you is right queasy (unsettled), as ye shall know within this month; the people here feareth it sore.

God hath showed himself marvellously like him that made all, and can undo again when him list; and I can think that by all likelihood shall show himself as marvellous again, and that in short time; and as I suppose oftener than once in cases like.

Item, it is so that my brother is unpurveyed (unprovided) of money, I have holpen (helped) him to my power and above; wherefore, as it pleaseth you, remember him, for [1] cannot purvey for myself in the same case.

Written at London the Thursday in Easter week.

I hope hastily to see you. All this bill must be secret.9 Be ye not a doubted (suspicious)10 of the world, I trust all shall be well; if it thus continue I am not all undone, nor none of us; and if otherwise then, &c. &c. London, Thursday,

18th of April, 1471. 11 E. IV.

given by any of our historians, who, some of them, made the list of slain to amount to 10,000, others to 4000, and those who speak the most moderately 1500 men. The battle of Barnet began on the morning, and lasted till afternoon on Easter Sunday, the 14th of April, 1471.

Queen Margaret, and Prince Edward her son, landed at Weymouth, in Dorsetshire, about the 13th or 14th of April.

9 Sir John had sufficient reason to say, "All this bill must be secret," for if the conclusion of this letter had been seen by the York party, his liberty, if not his life, would have been at stake. 10 [We rather think suspected is meant; i. e. if they do nothing to make them suspected.]

LETTER CCCXII.-(XLI. vol. ii. p. 69.)

This curious and secret letter, without name, date, or direction, was written by some person of consequence in this reign, and I believe by John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, after the unsuccessful battle of Barnet when he retreated with some of his men towards Scotland; but discovering a design to betray him, he privately left them, and went into Wales to join the Earl of Pembroke. The supplies of men and money, &c. herein required to be sent to him were intended to strengthen the queen's army, which was now with the utmost expedition assembling, and which before the Earls of Pembroke and Oxford could join it, was totally routed at Tewkesbury on the 4th of May following.

To the right reverend and worshipful Lady.1

RIGHT reverend and worshipful lady, I recommend me to you, letting you weet that I am in great heaviness at the making of this letter; but thanked be God I am escaped myself, and suddenly departed from my men ; for I understand my chaplain would have detrayed (betrayed) me: and if he come into the country let him be made sure, &c.

Also ye shall give credence to the bringer of this letter, and I beseech you to reward him to his costs; for I was not in power at the making of this letter to give him, but as I was put in trust by favour of strange people, &c.

Also ye shall send me in all haste all the ready money that ye can make; and as many of my men as can come well horsed, and that they come in divers parcels.

Also that my horses be sent with my steel saddles, and bid the yeoman of the horse cover them with leather.

Also ye shall send to my mother,2 and let her weet of this letter and pray her of her blessing, and bid her send me my casket by

this token; that she hath the key thereof, but it is broken.

Also ye shall send to the Prior of Thetford,3 and bid him send me the sum of gold that he said that I should have; also say to him by this token; that I showed him the first privy seal, &c.

Also let Paston, Felbrig, and Brews, come

to me.

Also ye shall deliver the bringer of this letter an horse, saddle, and bridle. Also ye shall be of good cheer, and take no thought (be not melancholy), for I shall bring my purpose 5 about now by the grace of God who have you in keeping.

April, 1471. 11 E. IV.

LETTER CCCXIII.-(I. vol. v. p. 3.)

[THIS letter is from J. Paston to his mother, and contains an account from J. Paston himself, of his wounded state, and great want of money, confirmatory of the letter of Sir J. Paston his brother (cccxi.). It was written in London, April 30, 1471; and although he says now I have neither meat, drink,

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Margaret, daughter of Richard Nevile, Earl of Salisbury, and sister to the late Earl of Warwick, and wife of John de Vere, Earl of Oxford.

* Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Sir John Howard, knight, who was uncle to John Howard, first Duke of Norfolk of that name. She was now the widow of John de Vere, late Earl of Oxford.

3 John Vescey, Prior of Thetford, from 1441 to 1479.

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clothes, leechcraft, nor money, but upon borrowing, and I have essayed my friends so far that they begin to fail now in my greatest need;" yet he is in high spirits, most probably from his knowledge of Queen Margaret's return, and of a large army having assembled in her favour. He appears to have

4 The precision of the privy tokens shows the caution observed, lest the money, &c. should be fraudulently obtained by making use of his name only. 5 This shows the expectations formed by this last attempt of the Queen and Prince Edward.

6 The first character of this signature may be supposed to resemble an O, and the last a D, though this is only supposition.

been very sanguine of her success, for he says "it shall not be long to or than (before) my wrongs and other men's shall be redressed, for the world was never so like to be ours as it is now" but a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury was fought, and the queen totally defeated. One of the principal objects of the letter was to procure money. Mother, I beseech you, and ye may spare any money, that ye will do your alms on me and send me some in as hasty wise as possible.” His horses, however, appear to have as much or

even

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more of his attention than his own affairs. His directions are most minute; one, "if he be not takyn up for the king's hawks," is to have “as much meat as he may eat;"

"that he have every week three bushels of oats, and every day a pennyworth of bread;" others are to be put to some good grass in haste." He writes also for several articles of his wardrobe, and desires his mother most particularly "that nobody look over my writings;" and he adds, no doubt anticipating the success of his party, "I thank God I am whole of my sickness, and trust to be clean whole of all my hurts within a sev'nnight at the farthest, by which time I trust to have other tidings; and those tidings once had, I trust not to be long out of Norfolk." The letter is signed John of Gelston, from Geldestone in Norfolk, where he sometimes | resided.]

LETTER CCCXIV.-(II. vol. v. p.

[THE battle of Tewkesbury was fought on May 4, 1471, and in this letter, like the last, from J. Paston to his mother, dated July 17, he tells her, "that this Wednesday Sir Thomas Wingfield sent for me, and let me weet that the king had signed my bill of pardon, which the said Sir Thomas delivered me; and so, by Friday, at the farthest, I trust to have my pardon ensealed by the chancellor, and soon after, so as I can furnish me, I trust to see you." The sudden turns in political events and in the personal opinions of men are perhaps not more remarkable in these times than our own, but when the weightiest arguments were swords or bullets, it is gratifying to observe how little rancour existed in the middle classes, at least against each other. With the leaders of course the

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downfal or ruin of one was necessary to the rise or maintenance of the other; but among their followers the ties of family, relationship, friendship or acquaintance, though not suf ficient to prevent their taking opposite sides in political matters, were seldom ineffectually urged by the defeated towards their conquerors. We have repeated instances in these letters of the interference of friends to procure pardons for their political opponents, and the present is one instance of the facility with which they were granted. J. Paston does not forget his horses in this letter, "he would fain his gray horse were kept in mewe for gnattys,” that is, kept in the stable (or mews as is often now used in London) to preserve him from the gnats or flies; and all are to have as much meat as they will eat.]

LETTER CCCXV.-(XLII. vol. ii. p. 73.)

This letter contains no anecdotes of much consequence, yet we may learn from it how little intercourse was kept up between one part of the kingdom and another; no opportunity perhaps having occurred of sending a letter from Norwich to London, unless at the time of the fair; another thing strikes us, which is, the use that pilgrims were of in conveying intelligence. The advice which Sir John hints to his brother is good, and his anxious concern for the safety of his young brethren gives us a favourable opinion of his kind disposition towards them.

To Mrs. Margaret Paston, or to John Paston, Esquire, her son, in haste.

RIGHT well-beloved brother, I commend me to you, letting you weet that I am in welfare,

I thank God, and have been ever since that I spake last with you; and marvel for that ye

sent never writing to me since ye departed; I heard never since that time any word out of Norfolk; ye might at Bartholomew fair1 have had messengers enough to London, and if ye had sent to Wykes he should have conveyed it to me. I heard yesterday that a Worsted man of Norfolk, that sold worsteds at Winchester, said that my Lord of Norfolk and my lady were on pilgrimage at our lady on foot, and so they went to Caister; and that at Norwich one should have had large language to you, and called you traitor, and picked many quarrels to you; send me word thereof; it were well done that ye were a little surer of your pardon than ye be; avise you, I deem ye will hereafter else repent you.

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I understand that Bastard Fauconbridge is either headed or like to be, and his brother both; some men say he would have deserved it and some say nay.

I purpose to be at London the first day of the term, send me word whether ye shall be

there or not.

Item, I would weet whether ye have spoken with my Lady of Norfolk or not, and of her disposition and the household's to me and to you wards, and whether it be a possible (thing) to have Caister again and their good wills, or not.

And also I pray you understand what fellowship and guiding is in Caister; and have a spy resorting in and out, so may ye know the secrets amongst them.

There is much ado in the North, as men

Bartholomew fair, in Smithfield. 2 Of Walsingham.

3 This refers to the part he had taken previous to, and at, the restoration of Henry VI.

Thomas Nevile, the natural son of William Lord Fauconberg, called the Bastard Fauconberg, having adhered to Henry VI. was, on his taking the government, appointed vice-admiral of the Channel, which place, on the change of affairs, he lost; and being a man of loose character, first turned pirate, and then, landing, collected a large army, with which he attempted to surprise London; where being repulsed, he retired, and on the king's advancing towards him submitted; when he was not only pardoned but knighted, and again appointed vice admiral. This happened in May, 1471, but was of short continuance, for between the 13th and 29th of September following he was beheaded, though whether for any fresh crime or not is uncertain.

say; I pray you beware of your guiding, and in chief of your language, so that from henceforth by your language no man perceive that ye favour any person contrary to the king's pleasure.

I understand that the Lord Rivers 5 hath licence of the king to go to Portugal now within this sev'nnight.

I pray you recommend me to my mother, and beseech her of her blessing on my behalf. (Here follow some directions about payments of money.)

Item, I pray you send me word if any of our friends or well-willers be dead, for I fear that there is great death in Norwich and in other borough towns in Norfolk; for I ensure you, it is the most universal death that ever I wist in England; for by my truth, I cannot hear by pilgrims that pass the country, nor none other man that rideth or goeth any country, that any borough town in England is free from that sickness; God cease it when it please him."

Wherefore, for God's sake, let my mother take heed to my young brethren that they be not in none place where that sickness is reigning, nor that they disport not with none other young people which resorteth where any sickness is; and if there be any of that sickness dead or enfect (infected) in Norwich, for God's Isake let her send them to some friend of hers into the country, and do ye the same by mine advice; let my mother rather remove her household into the country.

Even now Thyrston brought me word from London that it was Doctor Allen that caused your trouble that ye had at Norwich; and that John Pampyng rode for a discharge for you, and that he hath sped well, but how that, wot I not; if ye be clear out of Doctor Allen's danger keep you there, and hereafter ye may scoff as well at his carte (q. cost); I pray you send me word of all the form of his dealing with you.

I had almost spoken with Mrs. Anne Hawte, but I did not, nevertheless this next term I hope to take one way with her or

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LETTER CCCXVI.-(XLIII. vol. ii. p. 81.)

We may from this letter pick out some curious particulars relative to the church of Bromholm Priory in Norfolk, and likewise form some plan of the embattled mansion of the Pastons at Gresham in Norfolk, buildings which are now both in ruins.

To his well-beloved John Paston, Esquire, at Norwich, or to Mrs. Margaret, his mother.

I COMMEND me to you, letting you weet that, &c. (Here follows an account that the Duchess of Suffolk and Duke of Norfolk intend again commencing appeals against Sir John Paston and his brother, &c. concerning Caister, &c.) I would fain have the measure where my father lieth at Bromholm;5 both the thickness and compass of the pillar at his head, and from that the space to the altar, and the thickness of that altar, and imagery of timber work; and what height the arch is to the ground of the aisle, and how high the ground of the choir is higher than the ground of the aisle.

Item, I pray you let the measure by packthread be taken, or else measured by yard,

1 Till the reign of Henry VIII. all our churches and churchyards were sanctuaries, and protected traitors, murderers, &c. if within forty days they acknowledged their fault, and submitted themselves to banishment;-the most eminent sanctuaries in England were St. John's of Beverley, St. Martin's Le Grand, Ripon in Yorkshire, St. Burien's in Cornwall, and Westminster.

2 Sir Thomas Fulford was son of Sir Baldwin Fulford, beheaded at Bristol in 1461; he likewise ended his life on the scaffold.

3 Holyrood day, 14th of September.

4 Elizabeth, sister of Edward IV.

5 John Paston was most sumptuously buried in the priory church of Bromholm in 1466; these measures, suppose, were required in order to adopt a plan for his monument.

how much is from the north gate where the brigg was at Gresham to the south wall, and in like form from the east side to the west; also the height of the east wall, and the height of the south-east tower from the ground, if ye may easily. Also what breadth every tower is within the wall, and which tower is more than other within. Also how many foot, or what breadth each tower taketh within each corner of the quadrate overthwart the doors, and how many tailor's yards

6 This mansion, built by the Stutevilles, was, by licence from Edward II., embattled by the Bacons; Sir William Paston, the judge, purchased this estate.

7 The drawing, here given in the original letter, is intended, by Sir John Paston, for a plan of the quadrangle at Gresham, and if we suppose that the projection in the side represents the bridge, then that must be the north side, and so we have a complete ichnography of the whole.

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