speak to her of, and she said plainly to me that she would not, nor never was advised [never had thought], neither to let the Lord Molyns nor none other to have their intents as for that matter while that she liveth; and she was right evil paid with Sauter, that he should report as it was told you that he should have reported; and she made right much of you, and said that she would nought that no servant of hers should report nothing that should be against you, otherwise than she would that your servants should do or say against her; and if either your servants did against her, or any of hers against you, she would that it should be reformed betwixt you and her, and that ye might be all one; for she said in good faith she desired your friendship; and as for the report of Sauter, she said she supposed that he would nought report so, and if she might know that he did, she would blame him therefore; I told her that it was told me since that ye rode, and that it grieved me more that the said Sauter should report as he did than it had been reported of another, inasmuch as I had ought him good will before; and she prayed me that I should not believe such reports till I knew the truth. I was at Topps's at dinner on St. Peter's day there my Lady Felbrigg and other gentlewomen desired to have had you there; they said they should all have been the merrier if ye had been there. My cousin Topps hath much care till she hears good tidings of her brother's matter; she told me that they should keep a day on Monday next coming betwixt her brother and Sir Andrew Hugard (Ogard) and Wyndham; I pray you send me word how they speed, and how ye speed in your own matters also. Also, I pray you heartily that ye will send me a pot with treacle in haste, for I have been right evil at ease and your daughter both, since that ye yeden (went) hence, and one of the tallest young men of this parish lyeth sick, and hath a great myrr1 (murrain q?) how he shall do God knoweth. I have sent my uncle Berney the pot with treacle that ye did buy for him; mine aunt recommendeth her to you, and prayeth you to do for her as the bill maketh mention of that I send you with this letter, and as ye think best for to do therein. Sir Harry Inglos is passed to God this night, whose soul God assoil; and was carried forth this day at nine of the clock to St. Faith's, and there shall be buried. If ye desire to buy any of his stuff, I pray you send me word thereof in haste, and I shall speak to Robert Inglos, and to Wichingham thereof; I suppose they be executors. The blessed Trinity have you in his keeping. Written at Norwich in haste on the Thursday next after St. Peter. I pray you trust not to the sheriff 2 for no fair language. Yours, MARGARET PASTON. Norwich, Thursday, 1st of July, 1451, 29 H. VI. LETTER XL.—(XXIX. vol. iii. p. 129.) This letter relates to what passed at Blackheath when the commons of Kent assembled there under Jack Cade, in 1450, when Robert Poynyngs was his sword-bearer and carver, who afterwards married Elizabeth, the sister of John Paston. It could not be written before 1451, as it gives an account of Poynyng's pardon, and of the priest's confession who had accused the Lords Cromwell and Grey, and Sir John Fastolf, of As for my master (Sir J. Fastolf), he departeth not to London till the next week after this, and he ride. As for tidings be none truth, but Poynyngs is quit and delivered of all treasons; and Sir William Oldhall's process in the King's Bench (is) reversed; and the priest that accused Lords Cromwell, Grey, and my master will confess who caused him to do it, so that he may have his life, &c. As soon as ye goodly may to see my master it shall be to him a singular pleasure. Sir, a bailiff of my master's is in Drayton. John Edmond brought a letter to you, and he sent me weeting he was shent (blamed) upon some matter, as he supposeth, contained in the latter. I pray you in right be his good LETTER XLI.-(XXX. vol. iii. p. 133.) This letter affords a curious instance of Sir John Fastolf's resolution in determining to attack a religious society in the courts of law, and that he should do so by the advice of his confessors appears very extraordinary; but I suppose they were seculars, and they had always a dislike to the regular clergy. And it goes far to prove what we have suggested in a previous letter, that the law courts might be, and were, relied on for the attainment of justice, for otherwise the keen and worldly-prudent Sir J. Fastolf would have done much to avoid coming before such a court against such adversaries.] To my trusty friend, Sir Thomas Howys, RIGHT trusty friend, I greet you well, and whereas the Bishop of Norwich maketh but delays in my reasonable desire for an end to be had in the xxv marks (167. 13s. 4d.) of Hickling, I am upon an appointment and thorough with the heir of Clifford that he shall enter in the whole manor that is chargeable with my xxv marks rent," which the prior and convent have forfeited the said whole manor to the heirs under their convent seal of record, because of mine non-payment of xxv marks, and so then the prior shall lose for ever fourscore marks (531. 6s. 8d.) of rent, and that without any conscience, for 1 Henry Lord Cromwell. 2 There were several Lords Grey at this time; which of them is the person here mentioned cannot now be ascertained. 3 By J. Payn's letter (see letter xxx. p. 21) it appears that he was urged to have accused his master Sir J. Fastolf of treason. Parson of Castlecombe, being at Caister. they have been false both to the Cliffords JOHN FASTOLF, Knight. London, Thursday, 23rd September, 1451, 30 H. VI. XXV marks had been reserved was settled on the Priory of Hickling by some of the family of Clifford. William Clifford, in 1419, assigned this rent-charge to Henry Barton; who, in 1428, assigned it to Sir John Fastolf, who was now going to convey it to a Clifford again. This priory was first founded in 1185, 31 H. II., and Roger Oakham was at this time prior, a most turbulent man, of whom Sir John Fastolf, in another letter to Sir Thomas Howys, dated 28th of June, 1451, 29 H. VI. says (speaking of giving money to religious houses), "The untrouthe of the priour of Hykelyng draweth away my devotion in such causes." [Nothing was more likely to draw away Fastolf's" devotion."] There is one Walsham would desire acquittance of pardon for the widow of Heigham; I have no cause [no reason why I should], for her husband left her whereof to pay her debts sufficient, and for me he fares the better; the widow noiseth you, Sir Thomas, that ye sold a wey (of) salt but for 20s. that she might have had 40s. for every wey; I pray you answer that for your acquittal. Item, send me the value of Cooke's 1 tenement in Drayton with twenty acres (of) land thereto, what it was worth yearly, when it stood whole, for Selling saith it was worth but one noble (68. 8d.) by the year. LETTER XLII.-(XIV. vol. i. p. 65.) [THIS is the petition of Richard Duke of York to the king in 1451, when, on his return from Ireland, he withdrew into Wales, from whence it was forwarded. It is chiefly directed against the Duke of Somerset, but being a well-known historical document, we have omitted it here.] LETTER XLIII.—(XXXI. vol. iii. p. 135.) The whole of this familiar letter, wherein the writer mixes politics and pleasantry, is not entirely explicable; nor can the date be exactly ascertained: I have ventured to date it between 1450 and 1454. To William Wayte. RIGHT faithful and well-beloved brother William Wayte, I commend me to you, as the lord may to his tenant, praying you effectually to recommend me to my singular good master and yours, excusing me that I write not to him, for I dare not envolde (involve) me in the same; and as for tidings here, I certify you that all is nought or will be nought; the king borweth (borroweth) his expenses for Christmas; the King of Arragon, the Duke of Milan, the Duke of Ostrich [Austria], the Duke of Burgoyn (Burgundy) would have been assistant to us to make a conquest, and nothing is answered nor agreed in manner, save abiding the great deliberation that at the last shall spill [spoil] all together, &c.2 The chief justice hath waited (expected) to have been assaulted all this sev'night nightly in his house, but nothing come as yet, the 1 Sir John seems to think that Selling had undervalued the tenement, and twenty acres of land; he set it only at 4d. an acre yearly rent. 2 The assistance offered by the princes here named related to our wars in France. 3 John Hody was Chief Justice of the King's Bench, but I do not understand what is here related. 4 By what is mentioned of the commissions going into Kent to try those guilty of treasons, &c. (if these were for that purpose), it appears as if it was not a great while after Cade's rebellion; and the Duke of York being one of the commissioners, must have more pity, &c. An oyer and determiner goeth into Kent, and commissioners my lord the Duke of York, Bourchier, my master, that will not come there de proditionibus, &c. but Kent prayeth them to hang no men when they come. Öther tidings as yet can I none tell you, save Ulveston is steward of the Middle Inn, and Isley of the Inner Inn, because they would have offices for excuse for dwelling this time from their wives, &c.5 Sir Thomas Todenham lost his primer at the Tower-hill, and sent his man to seek it, and a good fellow wished it in Norfolk, so he would fetch it there, &c. Men ween that Norfolk men were hardier than they be. God grant, and at the reverence of God help too, that an outas (outcry) and clamour be made upon the Lord Scales, praying him for weal of the country neither sustain nor help him nor Heydon in been greatly in favour of the rebels, as his friends were said to have stirred up the insurrection. It is, 5 [This we suppose to be a lawyer's joke. however, curious to observe that the difficulties of travel, the expense, and the want of proper accommodation, prevented the families and even the wives from accompanying their husbands to London, when the business of the latter called or kept them there.] 6 It seems as if some robust exercises had been performed on Tower-hill wherein the Norfolk men did not exert themselves in a manner that was expected from them. no wise, and that ye cry upon my master and yours that he obey not the certiorari as yet, as you may see by his letter from my master rudely and in haste by me endited, of which I pray excuse, &c. And pray Blake to do [cause] Swaffham men say somewhat to the matter. I weet well Todenham and Heydon will not come there at this time, as it is verily reported, &c. "Mitte sapientem, &c." Brayn London, 2 Jan. between 1450 & 1454. 29 & 34 H. VI. LETTER XLIV.—(XXXII. vol. iii. p. 139.) I have given this letter to show the fairness and moderation of a nobleman, in an age when the great men used to tyrannise almost with uncontrolled power over their inferiors. It does the Earl credit as a man, and makes us lament his untimely death, being brought to the block in 1461 for his loyalty to his unfortunate sovereign. [It certainly does not evince any desire to use undue influence, but it displays little of the possession of the "almost uncontrolled power" attributed to him by Fenn.] To my right trusty and right well-beloved John Paston. RIGHT trusty and right well-beloved, I greet formation of the matter, and I pray you that ye will call the jury before you that are impannelled between them, and open (to) them the matter at large at mine instance, and desire them to do as conscience will, and to eschew perjury; and the Trinity keep you. If ye take the matter in rule, I pray thereof, and will be content. Written at Wivenhoe the 28th day of December. The EARL of Oxford. Wivenhoe in Essex, 28 Dec. LETTER XLV.—(XXXIII. vol. iii. p. 141.) It appears from this letter that small houses were sometimes framed and made ready on the spot where the wood was felled; some dispute seems to have arisen here, and the owner or occupier of the wood refused his consent to the carrying away of the timber-work after it had been made ready to set up. To my well-beloved brother, John Paston, Esq. BROTHER Paston, I recommend me unto you, praying you that ye take the labour to speak with Thomas Ratcliff of Framsden (in Suffolk) for the deliverance of part of an house which lyeth in his wood at Framsden, which house the owner hath carried part thereof to Orford, which, so departed, the remanent, that remaineth there in his wood, shall do him little good, and it shall hurt greatly the workmen and the owner thereof also, which is my tenant, and the house should be set upon ground. I write unto you in this behalf, because I understand he will be much advised by you, and if he do anything at my request I shall do as much that shall please him; and also the poor man shall give him two nobles, or twenty shillings rather than fail; I pray you be as good a mean for him as ye may in this behalf as my very trust is in you, and I shall 1 J. Bocking was one in the household of Sir John Fastolf. D LETTER XLVI.—(XXXIV. vol. iii. p. 145.) I have given this letter as showing the method of educating young women of some family, but of small fortune, by placing them in the families of the gentry, &c. It is plain, from Sir John's desiring that Margaret Paston would take her for a time as a boarder, that the young person was not to have been in the line of a common servant. He likewise shows a propriety of conduct in not taking her himself, as he was a widower; at the same time acknowledging that, had he had a wife, he should have found no difficulty in providing properly for her in his own family. Sir John Heveningham married Elizabeth, the daughter and heir of Sir John Reddisham, knight, and he was living in 1459. To my right worshipful cousin, Margaret Paston, be this letter delivered. RIGHT worshipful and well-beloved cousin, I commend me to you as heartily as I can, thanking you of your good cheer the last time I was with you. And, worshipful cousin, please it you to call unto your remembrance, I wrote unto you for my cousin Anneys Loveday to have been in your service, and I received from you a letter that your will was good, but durst not to into the time ye had spoke with my cousin your husband. Worshipful cousin, I have laboured for her in other places, but I cannot have mine intent as yet, wherefore if that it please you to have her with you to into the time that a mistress may be purveyed for her, I pray you thereof, Heveningham, 7th May, between 1450 and 1460. and I shall content you for her board that ye shall be well pleased; for, cousin, and (if) I had a wife, I would not care [be uneasy] for her; and there as she is she is not well at her ease, for she is at Robert Lethum's, and therefore I pray you heartily that ye will tender this my writing, and I beseech you that in case be that ye will fulfil it, that ye will send my cousin William Staunton for her, and I shall keep you true promise as I have before written; and I beseech Almighty Jesu preserve you. Written at Heveningham on the 7th day of May, &c., Your own cousin, JOHN HEVENINGHAM, Knight. JJ og Grund 8 h 5 km x 95 c 1 What is meant by this expression, "sende yo' joy of all yor ladyes," I do not understand, unless it should have been meant to signify, send you all the joys of our Lady. [There is little doubt that it means the ladies of his family. Letter xxxix. mentions a daughter as unwell.] 2 Sir John Wyngfield, the writer of this letter, was a knight of that very ancient family of Wingfield Castle, in Suffolk. He was now seated at Lethering ham, and, I believe, married Margaret daughter of Sir Hugh Hastings, of Elsing in Norfolk. His signature is very particular, the initial J of his Christian name being placed at the end of his surname. |