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mind, perhaps, was disquieted with considerations | of strange events, so were Cain, Ahithophel and Judas ; the reason is, that seeing wickedness is cowardly and timorous, it gives evidence of condemnation against itself, but Satan prevailing, his angels execute.

"I have dwelt the longer upon this point, to let you know how idly and wilfully you strive against the divine providence, and the justice of the land: the more you labour to get out of the wood, having once lost the right way, the further you creep in, for the wisdom of the world is folly with God; and it is impossible those courses should be either approved of in this world, or rewarded in the next, that are imbrued in blood and pursued with tyranny. If then there is no other way to heaven, but by the destruction of God's anointed, and his heirs, I conclude with you, Mr. Garnet, as Constantius did with Ascesius, Erigito tibi scalam et in cœlum solus ascendite,' set up a ladder for yourself, and climb up to heaven alone, for loyal minds cannot suit with such bad company : the worst I wish to your person, standing now to be convicted at the bar, is remorse and repentance for the safety of your soul; and for the rest, fiat justitia, curret lex, et vincet veritas.'"'

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Garnet. "I have done more than I can excuse; I have dealt plainly with you, but I am bound to keep the secrets of confession, and to disclose nothing that I have heard in sacramental confession."

Nottingham." If one confesses this day to you, that to-morrow morning he intends to kill the king with a dagger, must you conceal it?"

Garnet. "I must conceal it."

Salisbury." I desire leave to ask you some questions concerning the nature of confessions."

Garnet." Your lordship may, and I will answer you as well as I can.' ""

Salisbury. Must there not be confession and contrition before the absolution ?"

Garnet. "Yes."

command the poor catholics to do any thing, they must obey, though to the endangering of body and soul? and if you maintain such doctrines among you, how can the king be safe? Is it not therefore time, that the king and government should be watchful of you, seeing you spend your time thus in his dominions?"

Garnet. "My lord, I would to God I had never known of the powder-treason."

Lord Chief Justice.-"Garnet, you are superior of the jesuits, and if you forbid, must not the rest obey? Was not Greenwell half-an-hour with you at Sir Everard Digby's, when you talked of the discovery of your treason? Did you not there confer and debate the matters ? Did you not send him to Hall at Abington's house, to excite him to go to the rebels and encourage them? Yet you seek to disguise all this, but it is a mere shift; and though you say no man living but one knew that you were privy to it, it is like some that are dead did. Catesby was never absent from you, as the gentlewoman, that kept your house, confessed; and you were, by many apparent proofs, and evident presumptions in every particular of this fact, directing and commanding the actors; nay, I think you were the chief mover of it." Garnet." No, my lord, I was not."

Lord Chief Justice." You wrote letters to Winter, Fawkes, Baynham, and Catesby, the principal actors in this matchless treason, and kept the two bulls in prejudice to the king's title, and to do other mischiefs to the kingdom; but when you saw the king came in peaceably, being out of hope to do any good, you burnt them."

In the end, the jury withdrew, and returned within less than a quarter of an hour, finding Henry Garnet guilty.

Here the Lord-Chief-Justice having summed up all the proofs and presumptions of his guilt, gave judgment, that he should be drawn, hanged, and quartered. Salisbury." Garnet, would you say any thing else?" Garnet." No, my lord, but I humbly desire all your

Salisbury." Was Greenwell absolved by you, or lordships to commend my life to the king's majesty;

not?"

Garnet." He was."

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Salisbury." What did Greenwell do to show that he was sorry for it, and whether he promised to desist?" Garnet." Greenwell said he would do his best." Salisbury. It could not be so: for, as soon as Catesby and Piercy were in arms, Greenwell came to them from Garnet, and so went from them to Hall, at Mr. Abington's house, inviting them most earnestly to go and assist those gentlemen in the action; whereby it appears, that either Greenwell told you out of confession, and then there was no need of secrecy; or if in confession, he promised no repentance, and therefore you could not absolve him: this one circumstance must still be remembered, and you cannot get clear of it, that when Greenwell told you what Catesby meant in particular, you then also called to mind what Catesby had told you before in general; if you had not been desirous to have the plot succeed, you might have discovered it, from the general knowledge you had of it from Catesby; but when he offered himself to impart the particulars to you, as he had done to Greenwell, you refused to hear him, lest your tongue should have betrayed your heart."

Garnet." I did what I could to dissuade it, and went into Warwickshire with design to dissuade Mr. Catesby from it, when he came down; and as for Greenwell's going to Father Hall to persuade him to join in it, he did very ill in so doing."

Salisbury." Your first answer is absurd, seeing you knew Catesby would not come down till the 6th of November, the day after the blow was to have been given, and you went into the country ten days before: as to the second, I am only glad that the world may now see, that jesuits are condemned by jesuits, and treasons and traitors laid naked by traitors themselves; yea jesuits, by that jesuit who governs all of them here, and without whom none of them in England can do any thing."

Garnet. "I pray God and the king that other catholics may not fare the worse for my sake."

Salisbury." Mr. Garnet, is it not a lamentable thing, that if the pope, Claudius Aquaviva or yourself, should

saying, that at his pleasure he was ready either to live or die, or do him service."

May 3, 1606, being the day appointed for the execution of Mr. Garnet, there was a scaffold set up on purpose at the west-end of St. Paul's. Upon his mounting, he seemed to be much amazed; the deans of St. Paul and Westminster being present, they in a grave and christian manner exhorted him to place a true and lively faith in God, and freely and plainly to acknowledge of his offence to the world; and, if he knew of any further treason, to discharge his conscience, and shew his sorrow and detestation of it; but Garnet, not pleased to be exhorted by them, desired them not to trouble him, for he came prepared, and was resolved. Then the recorder of London, appointed by the king to be there, asked the malefactor if he had any thing to say to the people before he died; that it was no time to dissemble, his treasons were manifest; therefore, if he were willing to let the world sec the thoughts he had of himself and his actions, he might freely do it; but he said his voice was slow, his strength gone, and the people could not hear him; but to those about him on the scaffold he said, "The intention was wicked, and the act would have been cruel, and he should have abhorred it from his soul, if it had taken effect, but," he said, "he only had a general knowledge of it from Catesby, and had offended for not discovering it, and using means to prevent it. What he knew in particular was in confession;" but the recorder put him in mind, that the king had the four points following under his hand, 1. That Greenwell told him of it, not as a fault, but a thing he had intelligence of, and by way of consultation. 2. That Catesby and Greenwell came together to be resolved. 3. That Tesmond and he had conference about the particulars of the plot in Essex, long after. 4. That Greenwell had asked him, who should be protector? But Garnet said, that was to be deferred till the blow was past. That these proved his privity, besides confession, and were under his hand: he answered, "whatever was under his hand was true; and because he did not discover them to the king, he confessed he was justly condemned and asked forgiveness of him."

Then the recorder, leading him to the scaffold to make his confession in public, Garnet said, "Good countrymen, I come hither this day of the invention of the holy cross, to end all my crosses in this life: You know the cause of my sufferings; I confess I have offended the king, and am sorry for it, so far as I was guilty by concealing it; and for that I ask pardon of the king. The treason intended against the king and state was bloody; I myself should have detested it, had it taken effect, and I am heartily sorry any catholics ever had so cruel a design."

Then preparing for death, he kneeled at the foot of the ladder, and asked, if he might have time to pray, and how long? It was answered, he should limit himself, none should interrupt him. During the time of his prayers, he often broke off, turned and looked about him, and answered to what he overheard while he seemed to be praying.

When he stood up, the recorder finding by his behaviour some expectation of a pardon, wished him not to deceive himself, for he was come to die and must die; requiring him not to equivocate with his last breath, if he knew any thing that might be dangerous to the king or state, he ought then to reveal it. Garnet said, "It was no time now to equivocate, how and when it was lawful, he had shewn his mind elsewhere; but," said he, "I do not now equivocate, and more than I have confessed, I do not know." At his going up the ladder he

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desired to have warning before he was turned off, but he was told, he must look for no other turn than death." Being upon the gibbet, he used these words, "I commend me to all good catholics, and I pray God to preserve the king, queen, and all their posterity, and my lords of the privy-council, to whom I give my humble duty, and I am sorry I did dissemble with them; but I did not think they had such proof against me, till it was shown to me; but when it was proved, I thought it more honourable at that time to confess, than before: and, for my brother Greenwell, I wish the truth were known, for the false reports that fly about make him more criminal than he is: I should not have charged him, but that I thought he had been safe. I pray God the catholics may not fare the worse for my sake. I earnestly exhort them all never to enter into any treasons, rebellions, and insurrections against the king.' Then falling to his prayers, and crossing himself, he said, "In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," and prayed, "O Mary, mother of grace! Mary, mother of mercy, protect me from the evil one, and receive me in the hour of death." Then, "Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit;" again," By this sign of the cross," crossing himself, " May the evil one be far from me, place thy cross in my heart, O Lord." "Let me always remember the cross ;" and so returning to “Mary, mother of grace," he was turned off, and hung till he was dead.

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APPENDIX IV.

THE HISTORY OF THE IRISH REBELLION IN THE YEAR 1641, WHEN THE PAPISTS ATTEMPTED TO EXTIRPATE THE PROTESTANTS IN THE KINGDOM OF IRELAND. BY SIR JOHN TEMPLE, KNT., MASTER OF THE ROLLS, AND ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY-COUNCIL AT THAT TIME IN IRELAND.

The Irish Rebellion; or an History of the Attempt of the Irish Papists, in the Year 1641, to extirpate the Protestants in the Kingdom of Ireland; together with the Barbarous Cruelties and Bloody Massacres which ensued thereupon. Written from his own Observations, and authentic Depositions of other Eye-witnesses, by SIR JOHN TEMPLE, KNT., Master of the Rolls, and one of His Majesty's Most Honourable Privy-Council at that time in Ireland. Now re-printed for the perusal of all protestants, as the most effectual warning-piece to keep them upon their guard against the encroachments of popery.

SUCH was now the state and present condition of the kingdom of Ireland, such the great serenity through the gentle and happy transaction of the public affairs here, as that the Irish army, raised for the invasion of the kingdom of Scotland, being peaceably disbanded, their arms and ammunition, by the singular care of the lords justices and council, brought into his majesty's stores within the city of Dublin, there was no manner of warlike preparations, no relics of any kind of disorders proceeding from the late levies, nor, indeed, any noise of war remaining within these coasts. Now, while, in this great calm, the British continued in a most deep security, under the assurance of the blessed peace of this land; while all things were carried on with great temper and moderation in the present government, and all men sat pleasantly enjoying the comfortable fruits of their own labours, without the least thoughts or apprehension of either tumults or other troubles, the differences between his majesty and his subjects of Scotland being about this time fairly composed and settled; there broke out, upon the 23rd of October, 1641, a most desperate and formidable rebellion,-an universal defection and general revolt,-wherein not only all the Irish, but almost all the old English, that adhered to the church of Rome, were totally involved: and, because it will be necessary to leave some monuments hereof to posterity, I shall observe the beginnings and first motions, as well as trace out the progress, of a rebellion, so execrable in itself, so odious to God and the whole world, that no age, no kingdom, no people, can parallel the horrid cruelties, the abominable murders, that have been, without numbers as well as without mercy, committed upon

the British inhabitants throughout the land, of what sex or age, of what quality, or condition, soever they

were.

And, first, I must needs say, that, notwithstanding I have observed, in the nature of the Irish, such a kind of dull and deep reservedness, as makes them, with much silence and secrecy, to carry on their business; yet I cannot but consider it as a most astonishing event, that this mischievous plot, (which was to be so generally, at the same time, and at so many places, acted, and therefore must necessarily have been known to so many persons,) should, without any noise, be brought to such maturity, as to arrive at the very point of execution, without any notice or intimation, given to any two of that great multitude of persons who were generally designed to be destroyed in it, as afterwards most of them were destroyed. For, except the uncertain presumptions that Sir William Cole had entertained of a commotion to be raised by the Irish in the province of Ulster, about a fortnight before this rebellion broke out openly, and some certain intelligence, which he received of the same two days before the Irish rose, I could never hear, that any Englishman received any certain notice of this conspiracy, before the very evening before the day on which it was to be generally put into execution. It is true, Sir William Cole, upon the very first apprehensions of something that he conceived to be hatching among the Irish, did write a letter to the lords-justices and council, dated the 11th of October, 1641, wherein he gave them notice of the great resort made to Sir Phelim O'Neale, in the county of Tyrone, as also to the house of the Lord Mac-Guire, in the county of Fermanagh, and that by several suspected persons, who were thought to be fit instruments for mischief: as also, that the said Lord Mac-Guire had, of late, made several journeys into the Pale, and other places, and had spent much of his time in writing letters, and sending dispatches abroad.

These letters were received by the lords-justices and council; and they, in answer to them, required him to be very vigilant and industrious, to find out what should be the occasion of those several meetings, and speedily to advertise them thereof, or of any other particulars that he conceived might tend to the public service of the state. And, as to that which was

revealed to Sir William Cole, upon the 21st of the same month of October, by John Cormacke, and Flarty Mac-Hugh, from Brian Mac-Cohamaught, Mac-Guire, touching the resolution of the Irish to seize upon his majesty's castle and city of Dublin, and to murder the lords-justices and council of Ireland, and the rest of the protestants there, and to seize upon all the castles, forts, sea-ports, and strong-holds, that were in the possession of the protestants within the kingdom of Ireland,-I find by the examination of John Cormache, taken upon oath at Westminster, Nov. 18, 1644, that the said Sir William Cole did dispatch letters to the lords-justices and council, the same day, to give them notice thereof. But I can also testify that those letters, (whether they were intercepted, or that they otherwise miscarried, I cannot say,) came not unto their hands; as also that they had not any certain notice of this general conspiracy of the Irish, until the 22nd of October, in the very evening before the day appointed for the surprise of the castle and city of Dublin.

Then the conspirators, many of whom arrived within the city, and having that day met at the Lion tavern, near Copper Alley, and there, turning the drawer out of the room, ordered their affairs together, drank healths upon their knees to the happy success of the next morning's work: Owen O'Conally, a gentleman of an Irish family, but one that had long lived among the English, and who had been trained up in the protestant religion, came unto the lord-justice Parsons, about nine o'clock that evening, and made him a broken relation of a great conspiracy, for the seizing upon his majesty's castle of Dublin: he gave him the names of some of the chief conspirators, assured him they were come up expressly to the town for the same purpose; and that next morning they would undoubtedly attempt, and surely effect it, if their design were not speedily prevented; and that he had understood all this from Hugh Mac-Mahon, one of the chief conspirators, who was then in the town, and came up the very same afternoon for the execution of the plot; and with whom, indeed, he had been drinking somewhat liberally; and, as the truth is, did then make such a confused relation of a matter that seemed incredible in itself, that his lordship gave very little be lief to it at first, in regard it came from an obscure person, and one, as he conceived, that was, at that time, somewhat disordered by drinking.

However, the lord Parsons gave him order to go again to Mac Mahon, and to get out of him as much certainty of the plot, with as many particular circumstances, as he could, strictly charging him to return back unto him the same evening. And in the mean time (having, by strict commands given to the constable of the castle, taken order to have the gates thereof well guarded, as also with the mayor and sheriffs of the city, to have strong watches set upon all the parts of the same, and to stop all strangers,) he went privately, about ten o'clock that night, to the lord Borlace's house without the town: and there, acquainting him with what he understood from Conally, they sent for such of the council as they knew then to be in the town; but there came only unto them that night Sir Thomas Rotheram and Sir Robert Meredith, chancellor of the exchequer with these they entered into consultation what was fit to be done, while they were waiting for the return of Conally; and, finding that he staid somewhat longer than the time appointed, they sent out in search after him, and found him seized on by the watch; and so he would have been carried away to prison, and the discovery of the plot on that night would have been disappointed, had not one of the lord Parsons' servants, (who had been expressly sent, amongst others, to walk the streets, and attend the motions of the said Conally,) come in and rescued him, and brought him to the lord Borlace's house.

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Conally, having somewhat recovered from his distemper, (which was occasioned partly, as he said himself, by the horror of the plot revealed to him, and partly by his too liberal drinking with Mac-Mahon, that he might the more easily get away from him, who was

beginning much to suspect and fear his discovering the plot, confirmed what he had formerly related; and added these further particulars, set down in his examination as follows:

The Examination of Owen O'Conally, Gentleman, takes before us whose names ensue, October 22, 1641.

Who, being duly sworn and examined, saith, “that he being at Monimore, in the county of Londonderry, on Tuesday last, received a letter from Colonel HughOge Mac-Mahon, desiring him to come to Connaught, in the county of Monaghan, and to be with him on Wednesday or Thursday last; whereupon he, this examinant, came to Connaught, on Wednesday night last, and finding the said Hugh come to Dublin, followed him thither he came hither about six o'clock in the evening, and forthwith went to the lodging of the said Hugh, to the house near the boat in Oxmantown, and there he found the said Hugh, and came with the said Hugh into the town, near the pillory, to the lodging of the Lord Mac-Guire, whom they found not within; and there they drank a cup of beer, and then went back again to the said Hugh's lodging.'

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He saith," that at the Lord Mac-Guire's lodging, the said Hugh told him that there were, and would be this night, great numbers of noblemen and gentlemen of the Irish papists, from all parts of the kingdom, in this town, who, with himself, had determined to take the castle of Dublin, and possess themselves of all his majesty's ammunition there to-morrow morning, being Saturday; and that they intended, first, to batter the chimnies of the said town, and, if the city would not yield, then to batter down the houses, and so to cut off all the protestants that would not join with them."

He further saith, "that the said Hugh then told him, that the Irish had prepared men in all parts of the kingdom, to destroy all the English inhabiting there tomorrow morning by ten o'clock; and that, in all the seaports, and other towns in the kingdom; all the protestants should be killed this night, and that all the posts that could be, could not prevent it."

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And further saith, "that he moved the said Hugh to forbear executing of that business, and to discover it to the State, for the saving of his own estate; who said he could not help it; but said, that they did owe their allegiance to the king, and would pay him all his rights; but that they did this for the tyrannical government that was over them, and to imitate Scotland, who got a pri vilege by that course." And he further saith, that, when he was with the said Hugh in his lodging the second time, the said Hugh swore, that he should not go out of his lodging that night, but told him that he should go with him the next morning to the castle ; and said, if this matter were discovered, somebody should die for it: whereupon this examinant, feigning some necessity for his easement, went down out of the chamber, and left his sword in pawn, and the said Hugh sent his man down with him; and, when this examinant came down into the yard, and found an opportunity, he, this examinant, leaped over a wall and two pales, and so came to the Lord Justice Parsons.'"'

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Hereupon the lords took present order to have a watch privately set upon the lodging of Mac Mahon, also upon the Lord Mac Guire's; and so they sat up all that night in consultation, having far stronger presumptions upon this latter examination taken, than any ways at first they could entertain. The lords justices, upon a further consideration, (there being come unto them early next morning several others of the privy council,) sent before day, and seized upon Mac Mahon, then, with his servant, in his own lodging: they at first made some little resistance with their drawn swords; but, finding themselves overpowered, presently yielded; and

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so they were brought before the lords-justices and council, still sitting at the Lord Borlace's house: where, upon examination, he did without much difficulty, confess the plot; resolutely telling them, "that on that very day all the forts and strong places in Ireland would be taken that he, with the Lord Mac Guire, Hugh Birn, Captain Brian O'Neale, and several other Irish gentlemen, were come up expressly to surprise the castle of Dublin: that twenty men, out of each county in the kingdom, were to be here to join with them. That all the lords and gentlemen in the kingdom, that were papists, were engaged in this plot: that what was that day to be done in other parts of the country, was so far advanced by that time, that it was impossible for the wit of man to prevent it: and withal told them that it was true they had him in their power, and might use him as they pleased; but he was sure he should be revenged."

By this time the noise of this conspiracy began to be confusedly spread abroad about the town, and advertisement was brought unto the lords-justices then in council, that great numbers of strangers had been observed to come the last evening, and in the morning early, into the town, and most of them to put up their horses in the suburbs: whereupon the lords, having, in the first place, taken order for the apprehension of the lord Mac Guire, removed themselves, for their better security, into the castle, where the body of the council then in town attended them at the ordinary place of their meeting there.

In the first place, they caused an immediate search to be made for all such horses belonging to strangers as were brought into any of the inns, and by that means they discovered some of the owners, who were presently seized upon, and committed to the castle of Dublin, having already delivered over, to the custody of the constable there, the lord Mac Guire, and Hugh Mac Mahon; but Hugh Birn, and Roger Moore, chiefs of the conspirators, escaped over the river in the night; and colonel Plunket, captain Fox, with several others, found means likewise to pass away undiscerned; and of the great numbers, who came up out of several counties, to be actors in taking the castle and city of Dublin, there were not (through the slack pursuit and great negligence of the inhabitants), above thirty seized upon; who were most of them servants and inconsiderable persons; those of quality having so many good friends within the town, that they had very ill luck if they were apprehended. On the same night the lord Blaney arrived with the news of the surprisal of his house, his wife, and his children, by the rebels of the county of Monaghan. Next day came intelligence from Sir Arthur Tyringham, of the taking of the Mewry; and then the sad relations of burning, spoiling, and horrible murders, committed within the province of Ulster, began to multiply, and several persons every day, and almost every hour in every day, for a good while after, arrived, like Job's messengers, telling the story of their own sufferings, and the fearful massacres of the poor English in those parts from whence they came.

These things wrought such a general consternation and astonishment in the minds of all the English, and other well-affected inhabitants within the city, that they were much affrighted therewith, expecting every hour when the Irish, who had already crept into the town, joining with the papists there, should make the city a theatre, whereon to act the second part of that tragedy, most bloodily begun in the northern parts by them.

And it added most keenly to these present fears, that several unhappy rumours, the great tormentors of the weaker sex, were vainly spread abroad, of the sudden approach of great numbers of rebels out of the adjacent Irish counties into this city: some would make us believe, that they were discerned, at some distance, already marching down from the mountain-side within view of the town; a report so credibly delivered by those who pretended to be eye-witnesses, that it drew some of the state up to the platform of the castle to behold those who were yet invisible; though there were some that would not be persuaded, but that they saw the very motions of the men as they marched down the mountains.

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It was at the same time also generally noised abroad, that there were ten thousand of the rebels assembled together in a body at the hill of Tarah, a place not above sixteen miles distant from the town; and that they intended, without any further delay, to march on and presently surprise the same. These false rumours being unluckily spread, and by some fomented out of evil ends, exceedingly increased the present distractions of the people, and raised such a panic among them, that, about seven o'clock at night, (the lords-justices, and some of the council, being then in the council-chamber within the castle,) there came in to them a gentleman of good quality, who, having (not without much difficulty, as he pretended,) recovered the gate of the castle, caused the warders then attending to draw up the bridge, assuring them, that the rebels, gathered together in great numbers, had already possessed themselves of a good part of the town, and came now with great fury marching down the street that leads directly towards the castle gate.

But this fear was quickly removed by Sir Francis Willoughby, who, (being that day made governor of the castle,) caused the draw-bridge to be let down, and so found this to be a false alarm, occasioned by some mis. take among the people, who continued wandering up and down the streets, prepossessed with strange fears; some of them, upon some slender accident, drawing their swords; others, that knew not the cause, thought fit to follow the example; and so they appeared to this gentleman, (who was none of their company,) as so many rebels coming up to enter the castle.

These were the first beginnings of our sorrows; ill symptoms, and sad preparatives to the ensuing evils. Therefore the lords, finding by means of several communications, (though some purposely framed,) that the power of the rebels was suddenly swollen up to so great a bulk, and likely so fast to multiply and increase upon them, thought it high time to consider of the remedies, and in what condition they were to oppose, since they could not prevent, so imminent a danger. The rebellion now appeared, without all manner of question, to be generally raised in all parts of the north, and, like a torrent, to come down most impetuously upon them: besides, it was not improbable, that all other parts of the kingdom would take fire, and follow their example; for they had the positive testimony of Mac-Mahon therein.

The first thing, therefore, which they took into consideration, was, how they were provided with money, arms, and ammunition? Then, what companies of foot, and troops of horse, of the old army they were able to draw presently together? as also what numbers of new men they could suddenly raise? For the first, they had this short account from the vice-treasurer, that there was no money in the exchequer and certainly it was a main policy, in the first contrivers of this rebellion, to plot the breaking of it out at such a time when the exchequer should be empty, and all the king's revenues, both certain and casual, due for that half year, as well as the rents of all the British throughout the kingdom, should be found ready either in the tenants' or collectors' hands in the country, and so necessarily fall under their power; as they did to their great advantage.

For arms and ammunition, the stores happened to be tolerably well furnished at this time: for, besides several pieces of artillery of divers sorts, most of them fitted for present service, there were arms for near ten thousand men, one thousand five hundred barrels of powder, with match and lead proportionable, laid in by the earl of Strafford, late lord-lieutenant, not long before, though designed for another purpose; but so opportunely reserved for this service, that the good providence of God did exceedingly appear therein; but principally in the miraculous preservation of them out of the hands of the rebels, who made the surprisal of these provisions, (then all within the castle of Dublin, the common storehouse of them,) a main part of their design.

The old standing army, consisted only of forty-one companies of foot, and fourteen troops of horse. And these were so strangely dispersed, most of them into the

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