England, the authority both of conferring bishoprics and spiritual promotions, and also of prescribing laws as well to the churchmen, as to the laity, and of ordering and intermeddling in matters merely spiritual, was then in the hands of the kings ruling in the land, and not only in the hand of the pope, as appears by the laws of Alfred. Whence it may appear, how the government and direction of the church in those days depended not upon the pope of Rome, but upon the king who governed the land. To this also the example of King Edward's time gives testimony; for Edward with Pleimundus, archbishop of Canterbury, and other bishops in a synod assembled, assigned and elected seven bishops in seven metropolitan churches of the realm, in which election the king's authority seemed then alone to be sufficient, &c.

KING ETHELStan, or adeleston.

Ethelstan succeeded, after the death of Edward his father, (A. D. 928)., and was crowned at Kingston. He was a prince of worthy memory, valiant and wise in all his acts, nothing inferior to his father. In like worldly renown of civil government, joined with much prosperons success, in reducing this realm under the subjection of one monarchy. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scots, and quieted the Welshmen.

Among the victorious and noble acts of this king, one blot is written of him, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehended, as in the others to be commended; that is, the innocent death and murder of his brother Edwin. The occasion thereof was this. The said Ethelstan being born of Egwina, the wife to Edward before he was married to her, and fearing his next brother Edwin, who was rightly born, especially being stirred thereto through the sinister suggestion of his butler, felt such dislike to Edwin his brother, that he caused him to be set in an old rotten boat in the broad sea, without any tackling or other provision. Where the young and tender prince being dismayed with the rage of winds and of the floods, and now weary of his life, cast himself overboard into the sea, and so was drowned. The king, afterwards coming to the remembrance of himself, was stricken with great repentance the space of seven years together, and at length was revenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser was the king's cup bearer, who (as God the righteous judge of all things would have it) upon a certain solemn feast, bearing the cup to the king, chanced in the middle of the floor to stumble with one foot, helping and recovering himself with the other, saying in these words, "Thus one brother helps another." These words being thus spoken in the hearing of the king, so moved his mind, that forthwith he commanded the false accuser of his brother, to be had out to execution. Whose just recompense I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sow discord between brother and brother.

which was a certain vessel finely and subtilly made of the precious onyx stone, so radiantly wrought, that in it appeared the lively corn growing, and men's images walking, &c. Besides these, there was sent also the sword of Constantine the Great, with the name of the possessor, written in golden letters, where in the haft of the same all beaten in gold, was one of the iron nails wherewith our Saviour was nailed on the cross. Among them, moreover, was the spear (as is reported) wherewith the side of our Saviour was opened, with a portion likewise of the holy cross inclosed in crystal, also a part of the crown of thorns in like manner inclosed, &c. Of the truth of all which relics I am not much disposed to say all I suspect.

Ethelstan prescribed certain constitutions also, touching tithes, where he proclaimed as follows: "I, Ethelstan King, charge and command all my officers through my whole realm, to give tithes unto God of my proper goods, as well in living cattle, as in the corn and fruits of the ground, and that my bishops likewise of their proper goods, and mine aldermen, and my officers and headmen shall do the same. Also this I will, that my bishops and other headmen do declare the same to such as be under their subjection, and that to be accomplished at the term of St. John the Baptist. Let us remember what Jacob said unto the Lord, "Of all that thou shalt give me I will surely give a tenth unto thee." Gen. xxviii. 22.

And thus much briefly concerning the history of King Ethelstan, who reigned about the space of sixteen years. And because he died without issue, therefore his brother Edmund succeeded after him (A. D. 940), who reigned six years.

KING EDMUND.

Edmund, the son of Edward, and brother of Ethelstan, was twenty years of age when he began his reign; he had two sons, Edwin and Edgar, who both reigned after him. This Edmund continued his reign six years and a half. By him the Danes, Scots, Normans, and all foreign enemies were expelled out of the land, and then the king set his mind to redressing and maintaining the state of the church, all which then stood in building of monasteries, and furnishing of churches, either with new possessions or restoring the old which were taken away before. In the time of Edmund, I find this written in an old history, "In the time of this king, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the monks out of the monastery of Evesham, and canons substituted in their place, through the doing of Athelm and Ulric, laymen, and of Osulfus bishop," &c.

Here, as concerning this matter between monks and others of the clergy, first it is to be understood, that in the realm of England, before the time of Dunstan, the bishops' sees and cathedral churches were not filled with monks, but with priests and canons, called then clerks or clergy. After this a difference begins to rise between these two parties in strictness of life, and in habit; so that they who lived after a strict rule were called monks, and professed chastity, that is, to live a single life (for so chastity was defined in those blind days) as though holy matrimony were no chastity. The other sort who were not monks but priests or clergy, lived more free from those monkish rules and observances, and were then commonly (or at least lawfully) married, and in their life and habit came nearer to the secular state of other christians. By reason whereof there was great disdain and emulation among them, so that in many cathedral

The fourth of his sisters being of singular beauty, Hugo the French king required to be given to him, sending to King Ethelstan precious and sumptuous presents, such as were not before seen in England. Among which presents and gifts, besides the rare odours of sundry favours, and fine spices; and besides the precious and costly gems, besides also many beautiful coursers and palfries richly trapped; especially of one jewel

put in; and sometimes where monks had intruded, there priests and canons were again placed, and the monks thrust out; whereof more shall appear hereafter (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the life of Dunstan. In the mean time, to satisfy the reader, who would know of the first coming of monks into this realm and church of England, this is to be noted.

About this time of King Edmund, or shortly after, when strictness of life joined with superstition, was had in veneration, and counted for great holiness; men, either to win fame with men, or merits with God, gave

themselves to lead a strict life, thinking thereby (the stranger their conversation was, and the further from the common trade of vulgar people) to be the more perfect towards God and man. There was at that time a monastery in France named Floriake, after the order of Benedict from which monastery sprung a great part of our English monks, who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, congregated men daily to their profession. And so, partly for strangeness of their rule, partly for outward holiness of life, partly for the opinion of holiness that many had of them, they were in great admiration, not only with the rude sort, but with kings and princes, who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the monks was one Oswald, first a monk of Floriake, then bishop of Worcester and York, a great patron and setter up of monkery. Of this Oswald, bishop of York, and Dunstan, bishop of Canterbury, and Ethelwald, bishop of Winchester, and how they filled divers monasteries and cathedral churches with monks, and how they discharged married priests and canons out of their houses, to plant monks in their cells, more shall be spoken hereafter.

In the time of this king, Dunstan was not yet archbishop of Canterbury, but only abbot of Glastonbury, of whom many fabulous narrations pass among the writers, whereof this is one of the first. When Edgar was born, Dunstan being abbot of Glastonbury (as the monkish fables dream) heard a voice in the air of certain angels singing after this tenor and saying, Now peace cometh to the church of England in the time of this child, and of our Dunstan, &c. This I mention that the christian reader might the better ponder with himself the impudent and abominable fictions of this Romish generation. Of the same mint also they have forged, how at another time the said Dunstan heard the angels sing, which is as true as that the harp, hanging in a woman's house, played by itself the tune of an anthem. What would not these deceivers pretend in matters some. thing likely, who in things so absurd are not ashamed to lie and to forge so impudently and also so manifestly? Through the instigation of this Dunstan, King Edmund built and furnished the monastery of Glastonbury, and made Dunstan abbot of it.

By the laws of King Edmund (ordained and set forth, as well for the redress of church matters, as also of civil government) it may appear that the state both of temporal and spiritual causes appertained then to the king's right (notwithstanding the false pretended usurpation of the bishop of Rome) as by these laws are to be seen : where he, by the advice of his lords and bishops did enact and determine concerning the pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the church, with the penalties also for those who transgressed the same.

Also for tithes to be paid for every christian man, and for the church fees, and alms fees, &c.

Concerning professed women, whom we call nuns, &c. For every bishop to see his churches repaired of his own proper charge; and boldly to inform the king, whether the houses of God were well maintained,

&c.

For flying into the church for sanctuary, &c. Concerning cases and determinations on matrimonial questions, &c.

All which constitutions declare what interest kings took in those days in ecclesiastical matters as well as others, within their dominion, and not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institution of the church, but also in placing and setting bishops in their sees, &c.

In the time of this Edmund, Ulstan was archbishop of York, and Odo archbishop of Canterbury.

This Odo continued bishop the space of twenty years. After whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the king to succeed through favour and money; but in going to Rome for the pope's pall, in his journey over the Alps he died through the cold. Whereupon Dunstan succeeded. Before this king Edmund died, and was buried by Dunstan at Glastonbury.

KING EDWIN.

KING EDGAR.

Edgar, the second son of Edmund, being of the age of sixteen years, began his reign A.D. 959, but was not crowned till fourteen years after; the causes whereof hereunder follow to be declared. In the beginning of his reign he called home Dunstan, whom king Edwin had exiled. Then was Dunstan, who was abbot of Glastonbury, made bishop of Worcester, and then of London. Not long after, this Odo the archbishop of Canterbury deceased, after he had governed that church above twenty years. After whom Brithilinus bishop of Winchester, was first elected; but because he was thought not sufficient Dunstan, was ordained archbishop, and the other sent home again to his old church. Where, note by the way, how in those days the donation and assigning of ecclesiastical dignities remained in the king's hand; only they brought their pall from Rome as a token of the pope's confirmation. So Dunstan being by the king made archbishop, took his journey to Rome for his pall of Pope John XIII. Dunstan obtaining his pall, shortly after his return from Rome, intreats king Edgar that Oswald might be promoted to be bishop of Worcester, which was granted to him. And not long after, through means of Dunstan, Ethelwold was also made bishop of Winchester.

The monks began first to swarm in the churches of England, that is, in the days of this Edgar, by the means of these three bishops, Dunstan, Ethelwold, and Oswald. Although Dunstan was the chief ringleader, yet Ethelwold being now bishop of Winchester, and Oswald bishop of Worcester were not much behind. By the instigation and counsel of these three, King Edgar is recorded to have built either new out of the ground, or to have re-edified more than forty decayed monasteries. In setting up and building which Ethelwold was a great founder under the king. Moreover, through the influence of this Dunstan and his fellows, King Edgar in many great houses and cathedral churches, where prebendaries and priests were before, displaced the priests and set in monks.

After the king was thus persuaded to advance monkery, Oswald bishop of Worcester, and also made archbishop of York, having his see in the cathedral church of St. Peter, began with fair persuasions to try the minds of the canons and priests, whether they would be content

to change their profession, and be made monks or no; when he saw it would not take effect, he practised this policy with them: Near to the church of St Peter, within the churchyard, he erected another church of our lady, which he filled with monks, there he continually frequented, and was always there to be seen, by reason of which the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the people gathered where the bishop was. The priests seeing themselves so neglected both by the bishop and the people, were driven either to relinquish the house, or else become monks. Ethelwold also drove out the canons and priests from the new monastery in Winchester, and in Oxford, and in Mildune, with other places, the secular priests with their wives were expelled to give place to monks. The cause whereof is thus pretended in certain writers: the priests and clerks were thought negligent in their church service, and set vicars in their stead, while they lived in pleasure, and mis-spent the patrimony of the church. Then king Edgar gave to the vicars the same land which before belonged to the prebendaries; who also not long after shewed themselves as negligent as the others. Wherefore king Edgar, by the consent of Pope John XIII., removed the priests and ordained monks there.

As we have entered upon the mention of monks and nuns, and of their profession so greatly commended in our monkish histories, lest perhaps the reader may be deceived in hearing the name of monks to be such an ancient thing in christian life (even from the primitive church after the apostles' time) therefore to prevent all error herein, it shall not be unprofitable to say somewhat concerning the original institution of monks, what they were who in the old time were called monks, in what the monks in the primitive time did differ from the monks of the middle time, and from the monks of this later age; moreover, in what all these three differ from priests (as we call them) and from the clergy. Wherefore to answer to the superstitious scruple of such as allege the antiquity of the name of monks; I grant the name and order to be of old continuance, from the time of three hundred years after Christ. Several old authors write of them, as Augustine, Jerome, Basil, (who was himself one of the first instituters and commenders of that superstition), Chrysostom, Nazianzen, Evagrius, Sozomen, Dionysius, and others. In the number of these monks (who then were divided into hermits or anchorites, and cœnobites) were Antony, Paul, John, with divers other recluses. Cassian makes mention of a certain monastery in Thebes, wherein were above five thousand monks, under the government of one abbot. And here also in England, mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand and two hundred monks under one man's ruling, (A. D. 596). Whereby it appears that monks were then, and two hundred years before, in the primitive church. But these monks were such as either by persecution were driven into solitary and desert places; or else such as not constrained by any, but by their own voluntary devotion (joined with some superstition) withdrew themselves from all company. And all these were then nothing else but laymen; of whom there were two sorts, one of the vulgar and common people, who were only partakers of the sacraments; the other, following a monastic life, were called monks, (being nothing but laymen) leading a more severe and stricter life than the others.'

Monks in the former age of the church, although they lived a solitary life, yet were only laymen, differing from priests, and differing from the other monks who succeeded them in the middle age of the church, in three points: first, they were bound to no prescribed form, either of diet or apparel, or any thing else. Secondly, they remained in the order of laymen (only being of a stricter life than the rest) and had nothing to do in matters ecclesiastical. Thirdly, the monks of that age (although the most part of them lived single) yet some of them were married; and cer

(1) August. lib. de moribus ecclesiæ, cap. 13. Item, lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item, Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum. Also the same appeareth likewise by the fourth canon of the council of Chalcedon, where it is provided, "ne mona

tainly none of them were forbidden or restrained from marriage. Of such as were married, speaks Athanasius in Epistola ad Dracontium, who says that he knew both monks and bishops married men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the monks of the old time, though they were better than those that followed; yet superstition began to creep among them into the church, through the crafty subtilty of Satan, and all for the ignorance of our free justification by faith in Jesus Christ. Examples declare the vain and prodigious superstition of these men; two or three shall suffice for many, which I here insert, that the mind of the godly reader may the better consider and understand, how shortly after the time of Christ and his apostles, the doctrine of christian justification began to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, and the price of Christ's passion obscured through the vain opinion of men's merits, &c. A certain abbot named Moses thus testifies of himself in the collations of Cassian, that he so afflicted himself with fasting and watching, that sometimes for two or three days together, he not only felt no appetite to eat, but also had no remembrance of any meat at all, and by reason thereof, was driven also from sleep. So that he was obliged to pray to God for a little refreshing sleep to be given him some part of the night. In the same author mention is made of a certain old man a hermit, who because he had conceived in himself such a purpose never to eat meat, without he had some guest or stranger with him, was sometimes constrained to abstain five days together until Sunday, when he came to the church, and brought some stranger or other home with him.

Two other examples I will add out of Cassian, to shew how the subtilty of Satan, through superstition and false colour of holiness, blinds the miserable eyes of such as rather attend to men's traditions than the word of God. A certain abbot named John, in the desert wilderness of Scythia, sent two novices with figs to one that was sick, eighteen miles off from the church. It chanced these two young novices, missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wilderness, and could not find the cell, that for emptiness and weariness they waxed faint and tired; and yet rather would they die than taste the figs committed to them to carry, and so they did; for shortly after they were found dead, their figs lying whole by them.

Another story he also recites of two monastical brethren, who making their progress in the desert of Thebes, purposed to take no sustenance but such as the Lord himself should minister to them. It happened as they were wandering in the desert, and fainting almost for want, certain Mazises, a kind of people by nature fierce and cruel, notwithstanding being suddenly altered into a new nature of humanity, came forth, and of their own accord offered bread to them; which bread the one thankfully received as sent of God; the other, as counting it sent of man, and not of God, refused it, and so perished.

I might also add the story of Mucius, who, to shew his obedience, did not stick, at the commandment of his abbot, to cast his son into the water, not knowing whether any were ready to rescue him from drowning; so far were the monks in those days drowned in superstition. What is this, but for man's traditions and commandments to transgress the commandments of God, which saith, "Thou shalt do no murder; thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God?" What man is so blind, that sees not by these and many other examples, what pernicious superstition begun by reason of this monkery, almost from the beginning, to creep into the church? Whereat I cannot marvel enough, seeing that that age of the church had so many learned doctors, who not only approved and followed these monastical sects, but also themselves were authors and institutors of the same. Among whom may be reckoned Basil and Nazianzen,

chi se ecclesiasticis negotiis immisceant;" that is, "that monks should not intermeddle with matters of the church," &c. Et Leo Epistola, 62, vetat monachos et laicos, "etsi scientiæ nomine glorientur, admitti ad officium docendi et concionandi.”

blind superstition and idolatrous monkery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrongful expelling of lawful married priests out of their houses. Whereupon what inconveniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the House of the Lord, I leave to the consideration of them which have heard of the detestable enormities of those religious votaries; the occasion whereof first and chiefly began in this Edgar, through the instigation of Dunstan and his fellows, who after they had inveigled the king, and had brought him to their purpose, caused him to call a council of the clergy, where it was enacted, that the canons of divers cathedral churches, parsons, vicars, priests, and deacons, with their wives and children, either should give over that kind of life, or else give room to monks, &c.

And thus much concerning the history of King Edgar, and of such things as happened in his time in the church. When he had reigned the space of sixteen years, he died, and was buried at Glastonbury, leaving after him two base born children, Editha and Edward, and one lawful son, named Ethelred.

King Edgar is noted in all histories to have lived a riotous and debauched kind of life; in consequence of his having taken a nun named Elfled into his house; he was kept back from his coronation by Dunstan archbishop of Canterbury, the space of seven years; and so the king beginning his reign in the sixteenth year of his age, (A. D. 959), was crowned (A. D. 974). Concerning the coronation and the presumptuous behaviour of Dunstan against the king, and his penance enjoined by Dunstan; you shall hear both Osbern, Malmesbury, and other authors speak in their own words as follow: "After Dunstan had understood the king's offence perpetrated with the professed nun, and that it was blazed amongst the people, he came with great ire and passion of mind to the king, who, seeing the archbishop coming, arose from his regal seat towards him, to take him by the hand, and to give him place. But Dunstan refused to take him by the hand, and with stern countenance bending his brows, spake to this effect to the king. 'You that have not feared to corrupt a virgin dedicated to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated hands of a bishop? You have defiled the spouse of your Maker, and think you by flattering service to pacify the friend of the bridegroom? No, Sir, his friend will not I be, who has Christ as his enemy,' &c. The king terrified with these thundering words of Dunstan, and touched with inward repentance of his sin, fell down weeping at the feet of Dunstan, who, after he had raised him from the ground, began to utter the horribleness of his act; and finding the king ready to receive whatever satisfaction he would lay upon him, enjoined him this penance for seven years' space, as follows:

"That he should wear no crown all that time; that he should fast twice in the week; he should distribute his treasure, left to him of his ancestors, liberally to the poor, he should build a monastery of nuns at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one devoted maiden through his transgression, so he should restore to him many again in times to come. Moreover he should expel clerks of evil life, (meaning such priests as had wives and children), out of churches, and place convents of monks in their room," &c.

It follows then in the story of Osbern, that when the seven years of the king's penance were expired, Dunstan calling together all the peers of the realm, with the bishops, abbots, and other ecclesiastical degrees of the dergy, in the public sight of all the multitude, set the crown upon the king's head at Bath, which was the oneand-thirtieth year of his age, and the thirteenth year of his reign; so that he reigned only but three years crowned king. All the other years Dunstan probably ruled the land as he pleased.

Among his other laws, this king ordained that the Sunday should be solemnized from nine o'clock on Satur

(1) Foxe had placed this oration at the end of the present book, with this observation "A certain oration of King Edgar's which should have been placed before, chanced in the meantime to come to my hands, not unworthy to be read: 1 thought by the way, in

day evening till Monday morning. He also made a certain oration to the clergy, not unworthy to be read, as follows:

THE ORATION OF KING EDGAR TO THE CLERGY.

"Because God hath shewed his great mercy to work with us; it is meet (most reverend fathers,) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefits. For we possess not the land by our own sword, and our own arm hath not saved us: but his right hand and his holy arm, because he hath been delighted in us. Therefore it is meet that we should submit both ourselves and our souls to him, that hath subjected all these things under our government; and we ought stoutly to labour, that they, whom he hath made subject to us, might be subject to his laws. It belongs to me to rule the laypeople with the law of equity, to do just judgment between a man and his neighbour, to punish church-robbers, to hold under rebels, to deliver the helpless from the hand of the stronger, the needy also and the poor from them that rob them. It belongs also to my care to provide necessary things for the ministers of the churches, for the flocks of the monks, for the company of nuns, and to provide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose manners belongeth unto us; whether they live purely, if they behave themselves honestly toward them that be without, whether they be diligent at God's service, if they be earnest to teach the people, if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keep measure in apparel, and if they be discreet in judgment. If ye had regarded these things with a trial of them (O reverend fathers, by your leaves I speak) such horrible and abominable things of the clerks should not have come unto our ears. I omit to speak how their crown is not broad, nor their rounding convenient: the wantonness of your life, the pride of your gesture, the filthiness of your words do declare the evil of the inward man.

Furthermore, what negligence is in God's service, whence they will scarce be present at the holy Vigils? And when they come to mass, they seem rather to be gathered to play and laugh than to sing. I will tell that, which good men will be sorry for, and the evil laugh at. I will speak with sorrow (if so be I may express it) how they are riotous in banquetings, in chambering, drunkenness and riotings that now clerks' houses may be thought to be convents of players. There is dice, there is dancing and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kings, the alms of princes, yea (and what is more) the price of that precious blood is not esteemed Have our fathers then spent their treasure for this purpose? Have the king's coffers decayed by taking away many revenues for this cause? Hath the king's liberality given lands and possessions to Christ's churches for this intent, that clerks' dancers and singers should be decked with the same? that riotous feasts might be dressed? that hounds and hawks and such other toys might be gotten? The soldiers cry out for these things, the people grudge, minstrels sing, and dance, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sword of Levi, and the zeal of Simeon, which killed the Sichemites and the circumcised, who bare the figure of them that defile Christ's church with filthy deeds, because they abused Jacob's daughter? Where is Moses' spirit, which spared not his own kinsfolk that worshipped the head of the calf? Where is Phineas the priest's dagger, which pacified God's anger by holy zeal, when he killed him that sinned with the Midianite? Where is Peter's spirit, by whose power covetousness is destroyed, and simoniacal heresy is condemned? Be earnest ye priests, be earnest to follow the ways of the Lord, and the righteousness of our God. It is time to act against them that have broken the law of God. I have Constantine's sword, and ye have Peter's sword in your hands; let us join right hands,

the end of this book, to insert the same, (although out of order) yet I judge it better out of order, than out of the book." It is here inserted in its proper place. [ED.]