with many doors and windows, where a manufactory of taxes was carried on, there would very speedily be an end of the vast contributions hitherto paid to the services of the State. It may further be observed, that even Parliament, with all its means of taxing, has only been able to raise the revenue now paid, by adopting the principle of gradual increase; laying on straw by straw upon the people's backs, until at length they find them breaking, without knowing when the burthen began to be unbearable:-A new illustration, to show the necessity of making an early stand, and never suffering ourselves to be lulled with the phrases It is a mere trifle. What can it signify?'-' We have borne worse, and survived it. It is not worth the

trouble of resisting."

The struggles which have been recently made, and with signal success, have been almost all against publick burthens. The people, by a resolute determination to obtain justice, shook off a load of above seventeen millions a year of war taxes, which the Crown would fain have made perpetual. The successful issue of this great contest ought for ever to teach them a lesson of their strength. But it would be well if the same vigour were shown in resisting the smaller impositions. Great attempts to pillage the country are not very likely to succeed; but when the Government goes on by its favourite rule of gradual and insensible progression, it only takes longer time, and gains ultimately the same end. Had we been awake to our true interests, while the burthens were accumulating, we never should have had to fight that arduous battle, and our means would not have been left in their present state of exhaustion. It should be steadily kept in view, that a financier never is so dangerous as when he proposes a tax which seems not to touch any one sensibly-which raises some commodity by a sum almost lower than any known currency; and therefore such taxes ought, if objectionable in themselves, or if not absolutely necessary (which is indeed the greatest of all objections), to be as strenuously resisted as if they at once cut off a tenth of our income, or subjected our heads to a tribute.

But, independent of pecuniary considerations, we would fain hope that the love of our Constitution, the attachment to those inestimable privileges which so nobly distinguish us among all the nations of Europe, and to which the enjoyment of every baser possession is also owing, would be a sufficient motive to keep alive the jealousy of Royal encroachment, so absolutely essential to the conservation of liberty. Confidence in our rulers, whether arising from supineness or timidity, or personal predilection, is as foolish as it is unworthy of a free people. The

task, indeed, which a Sovereign is called to execute, is the noblest which the mind can imagine; the security of a people's happiness by one man's pains, and, it may be, at the expense of his own. But it is also the most difficult of all offices to perform; and we may rest assured that he will be but too apt to exchange it for another, which, as it is the very easiest, is also the basest of employments-the sacrifice of all a nation's interests to his own. The mechanism, even of our Excellent Government, furnishes him with but too many engines for the accomplishment of this object; nor can any thing effectually check his operations, but the perpetual jealousy of the people, within and without Parliament, in discerning and repressing even the smallest of his encroachments.

Peace is once more restored.—At home and abroad we are in profound repose.-We have gone through many perils, and submitted to many sacrifices; and we please ourselves in the hope, that we are sitting, for a length of time, secure under the shadow of our victories.-Now then that the struggle is ended, and the triumph won; let us, instead of crouching before domestic oppressors, bethink us, in good earnest, of repairing, in that Constitution which our triumphs have saved, the breaches which the struggle itself has occasioned.

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