SEC. 125. Resurrection and judgment.

The received doctrine of the church respecting the resurrection, remained unaltered. Moneta defended it, at full length, against the Cathari. (Adv. Catharos et Waldenses p. 344.) The restoration of the identical body, with all its parts, and with the distinction of the sexes, was maintained. On this subject, and respecting the general judginent, a multitude of curious questions were proposed. That the blessed will no more sin, and lose their bliss; and that the damned can never repent and become happy, all admitted. Their descriptions of heaven, were most alluring; of hell, the most terrific. According to the more general opinion, hell-punishment consisted in actual fire; yet some, as Guido of Nogent, conceived of it, as only mental suffering, or anguish arising from the consciousness of sin.

Notice. Guiberti, de Pignoribus Sanctorum. Lib. IV. c. 4. Opp. p. 363.

SEC. 126. Truth of Christianity.

While the christian doctrines were explained, critically, and hypercritically, a thought was rarely bestowed on the evidence of the tenableness of Christianity itself. This arose from there being no learned opposers; from the persuasion, that any doubt respecting the doctrines held by the church, would be sinful; and from the facility of putting down any opposition, by coercion instead of argument. To the enemies of Christianity, were now added the Muhammedans; who taxed the christians with being polytheists and idolaters. The common writings, in opposition to them and the Jews, contained little that was of importance; and only Raymund Martini (d. 1286) appeared to advantage in the controversy. Yet while the power of the hierarchy, could easily supall attacks on the established faith, there were visipress ble indications, that the enthusiastic reverence for Aristotle, and the close adherence to his writings, had misled

many a thinking man to undervalue christianity. This induced Thomas Aquinas, to write an Apology for christianity; in which he showed, that some christian doctrines are discoverable by reason, and that the others are accordant with reason. Towards the end of this period, the two contemporaries, Hieronymus Savanarola (d. 1498) and Marsilius Ficinus (d. 1499,) evinced the reasonableness of christianity, and also its divine origin: the latter they argued, from its sublime contents, from its excellent effects, from the credibility of the Apostles, from miracles and prophecies.

Notices. Raymundi Martini Pugio fidei, contra Mauros et Judaeos; cum observationibus Josephi de Voisin, et introductione Jo. Ben. Carpzovii. Lips. 1687. Fol.

S. Thomae Summa catholica, contra Gentiles, Lib. IV. Lugd. 1587. Fol.

Marsilii Ficini de Religione christiana et fidei pietate; Opp. Tom. I. Paris 1641.

Hieronymi Savanarolae Triumphus crucis; s. de veritate fidei; Bas. 1540. Fol.

SEC. 127. The Holy Scriptures.

The Bible was uniformly held up as a most holy book, and a source of religious instruction. The divinity of its origin, however, was often rather assumed than shown, and was only touched upon by Damascenus;—a defect, which Duns Scotus endeavored to supply. (Comment. in Lib. Sentent. p. 5.) Their ideas of inspiration were fluctuating and indistinct; and were expressed, sometimes more moderately, as by Agobard and Euthymius, and sometimes more strongly, as by Thomas Aquinas ; but always only incidentally. Next to the Bible, tradition, as serving to explain and extend the instructions of the holy Scriptures, held as high, or rather a higher authority, than it did in the preceding period. To the canon of the Bible, among the Latins, (but not among the Greeks,) the same extent was given, as formerly by Augustine. The use made of the Bible by the Wal

densians, was an occasion of the Popes and the Council's setting bounds to its unrestrained influence.

Notices. For the opinion of the later Syrian churches, respecting the Apocalypse, see Eichhorn's Introduction to the N. T. (in German,) vol. II. p. 433.

Jac. Usserii Historia dogmatica controversiae inter Orthodoxos et Pontificios, de Scripturis et Sacris vernaculis ;— locupletavit Henr. Wharton; Lond. 1690. 4to.-Tob. Godof. Hegelmaier, de Libero Sac. Script. usu, plebi christiano diu denegato, tandem hic ibi restituto; Tub. 1783. 4to.-History of the prohibition of the Bible; (by the same author; in German.) Ulm. 1783. 8vo. I. Onymus, Essay of a History of the prohibition of the Bible; (in German,) Würzb. 1786. 8vo.

A.

CHAPTER II.

DEVELOPEMENT OF DOCTRINES NOT BEFORE DEFINED.

SEC. 128. Procession of the Holy Spirit.

The disagreement, which existed in the former period, but was there scarcely noticed, between the Latin and the Greek churches, in regard to the question, whether the Holy Spirit proceeded from both the Father and the Son, or only from the Father; now produced strong sensation. The addition [et filio] to the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which first appeared in Spain, was continually more and more generally received, in the Latin churches, notwithstanding Pope Leo III. refused it his sanction. Afterwards, when Photius [Abp. of Constantinople] charged the Latins with error and forgery, various western writers rose up against him. The accusations of Photius were renewed, in the eleventh century, by the Greeks; and were retorted with vehemence by the Latins. Thenceforth, this subject was one of the principal points of contention between the

two churches, occupied the writers on both sides, and in every attempt at compromise, was an insurmountable obstacle. The Greeks were, indeed, persuaded to accede to the Latin notion, at the Councils of Lyons (A. D. 1274) and of Florence (A. D. 1439); but they soon returned to their old opinion.

Notices. In addition to the writings mentioned, sec. 76, see Petri Pithoei Historia controversiae de processione Spiritus S. Paris 1590. 8vo.--De processione Spir. S. Dissertatio prima Damascenica; in the Opera Joannis Damasceni, ed. M. Le Quien. Tom. I.-Theophanis Procopowitz, tractatus de process. Sp. S. Gothae 1772. 8vo.

SEC. 129. Doctrine of sin and grace and the kindred subjects, in the Greek church.

The Greeks continued to hold the system of doctrines, which had been inculcated by their earlier doctors, particularly Chrysostom; and without giving attention to the modifications, which, through the influence of Augustine, had become prevalent among the Latins. In John Damascenus, we still find it represented, that Adam's sin brought death and dissolution on his posterity; but not a trace of any propagated incapacity for goodness, or of any connate guilt. He acknowledges that it is impossible, without the help of God, to will and to do what is good; but represents it as depending on us, whether to follow God, or the evil One; and he insists, that God allots the destiny of men, according to their voluntary actions. (de Fide orthodoxa Lib. II. c. 30. compare Lib. IV. c. 20.) The later Greek writers, as Theodorus Stuaita, Thophylact, and Euthymius Zigabenus, repeat similar ideas.

SEC. 130. Latin churches

These doctrines gave to the Latin theologians, more copious matter for investigation. Augustine, who was reverenced as a Saint, had indeed set forth a determinate system of belief respecting sin and grace; but, with his writings, those of John Cassian were also much

read; and even St. Benedict had prescribed the reading of Cassians's Collations in the monasteries. Hence, without being sensible of it, men might easily swerve from pure Augustinism; and this was the more likely to take place, because more moderate sentiments were to be found, in abundance, in the writings of Augustine himself. Isidore of Seville held strictly with Augustine ;the twofold predestination not excepted. So also did Beda and Alcuin. But when Gottschalk advanced the same twofold predestination, he was oppressed, through the influence of Rabanus Maurus, and Hincmar of Rheims. As Prudentius of Troyes, Servatus Lupus, Ratramnus and Remigius, appeared in defence of Gottschalk, and as the treatise of John Scotus was confuted by Prudentius and by Florus; Hincmar caused the four following propositions, to be established, in the Council of Chiersy A. D. 853. I. God hath predestinated some men unto salvation; but not others to perdition. II. We lost free will, by Adanı; and recover it by Christ. III. God wills the salvation of all men. IV. Christ died for all men. But a great part of the French churches deemed these propositions inconsistent with the purethat is, with the Augustinian doctrine; and the decisions of Chiersy, were contravened by others, made in the councils of Valence (A. D. 855.) and Langres (A. D. 859.) Although Hincmar was not able fully to overcome such opposition, yet from this time onward, there was less hesitation, to soften down some points of the Augustinian system.

Notices. Veterum auctorum, qui saeculo IX. de praedestinatione et gratia scripserunt, Opera; cura et studio Guilberti Mauguin. Paris 1650. II. vol. 4to. Ludov. Celloti, Historia Godeschalci; Paris 1655. Fol.

The most noticeable things in the life and writings of Hincmar, Abp. of Rheims; (in German,) by Wolfg. Fried. Gess; Gotting. 1806. p. 15—95.

SEC. 131. Doctrine of the Scholastics concerning sin. The scholastics received the Augustinian doctrine, that, by Adam's transgression, mortality, sin, and guilt passed