66 ington, but inflamed on the other hand by net Hobhouse brought before his colthe bitter eloquence and factious inge- leagues the question of cancelling this nuity of Lord Lyndhurst and Lord nomination, which they decided to do, and Brougham, who were now united by a the first communication of the new Indian common hatred of those in power. Lord Minister to the King was to advise His Wharncliffe said one day to the vindictive Majesty to revoke an appointment which ex-Chancellor : Why, how you go on was already signed upon the recomwith your old friends!" Yes," said mendation of the preceding Government. Brougham, “and so I will go on till they The King reluctantly consented. The go off." The aversion and animosity of" Chairs" of the East India Company prothe King to his new Ministers were open tested against what they called an act of and undisguised. The extravagant occur-power." Curiously enough, Mr. Gladrences which had taken place since the stone's present Cabinet was called upon at 15th November, 1834, were the result of one of its first meetings to entertain the His Majesty's own infatuation, and he same question. Lord Mayo had been apkeenly resented the ignominious position pointed to the Governor-generalship by in which the failure of his attempt to bring Mr. Disraeli and had actually started for back the Tories had left him. Lord Mel- Calcutta before the office was vacant. bourne had not the reputation, at that The appointment might have been revoked. time, of a great statesman. His poco cu- But it was wisely and properly deterrante manner and his utter indifference to mined to confirm it, and the result of display, led men to think less highly of Lord Mayo's administration has amply him than he deserved. But the truth is justified that decision. that no minister ever showed more con- While Ministers were floundering in the summate tact, temper, and unselfishness House of Commons with great measures, than he displayed throughout this difficult such as the Irish Tithe Bill and Corporaperiod. He had difficulties with the Court tion Reform, which seemed to crush their (under King William), with his colleagues, feeble majority, the King broke out on and with Parliament. He surmounted every occasion with great vehemence them with admirable dexterity; and he against them; he was in fact labouring was rewarded for his loyal perseverance with an alarming degree of mental excitein the latter years of his Administration ment. by the fullest confidence and regard which a youthful and ingenuous Sovereign, who "June 27. D.N. 49. — In Downing Street, appreciated his worth as it deserved, could Russell told me of a singular conversation that bestow. The history of the Melbourne he had had with the King about the Militia. Administration will ever have a peculiar H. M. said that Lord Chatham introduced the interest for the people of this country and Militia Bill against the wishes of George II., for the world, because it fell to the lot of but that George III., liked the Militia; and, that Government to surround the throne added H. M., so did he, and he should disapwhen Queen Victoria ascended it. That prove of any plan that rendered the staff of it incident threw a romantic interest over fer calling out the Militia, and embodying them. less prepared for active service. He would prethe monarchy, which has long survived Russell said that would cost too much. The the party struggles of the hour. It was people and the Parliament did not care about the dawn of an auspicious day, and the foreign politics, and thought any measures for place in history of those who bore a part defending England unnecessary. Very true, in it, is greater, perhaps, than they them- my Lord,' said the King; and that is what selves or their immediate contemporaries I call penny wise and pound foolish.' H. M. imagined. Sir John Hobhouse had the good fortune to be one of these Ministers; and the record he has left of that period will be of no inconsiderable use hereafter to future historians. then went on to speak of Russia, and said that he had heard there was an army of 100,000 Russians ready for embarkation in the Baltic; and he added, 'I do not know how you feel, my Lord; but I own they make me shake in my It so happened that the very first step France interfered with an army in Spain, there shoes.' The King then remarked that, if of authority which the new Cabinet were would be an united force of Austrians, Pruscalled upon to take, lay in the Indian de- sians, and Russians on the Rhine in a month, partment. Sir Robert Peel had, with and in another month, they would march to needless haste, selected one of his own ad- Paris. Russell told the King that he had no herents, Lord Heytesbury, to succeed fear of French intervention, but that he thought Lord William Bentinck in the Governor- the French Government unstable. Yes, my generalship of India, then about to become Lord,' said the King, and that is because they vacant. At the first meeting of the Cabi- have not an honest man at the head of it, and the Ministers intrigue. There is this difference | my Lord, I will not have that word; strike out between England and France. Here we may "conciliatory "-strike out "liberal";' and, differ on certain points; you and I may differ; but we all of us mean well, and have but one object. I have my views of things, and I tell them to my Ministers. If they do not adopt them, I cannot help it. have done my duty.' " (Vol. iii. pp. 142, 143.) Indeed, his language sometimes became excessively violent. "I heard from all quarters that H.M. was in a state of great excitement. This was not all we knew of the Royal disinclination to us; for, on Saturday, July 11, in Downing Street, Lord Melbourne addressed us as follows: "Gentlemen, you may as well know how you stand; and, pulling a paper from his pocket, he read a memorandum of a conversa tion between the King and Lord Gosford, after the review, the day before. The King said to Lord Gosford, Mind what you are about in Canada. By G-d! I will never consent to alienate the Crown lands, nor to make the Council elective. Mind me, my Lord, the Cabinet is not my Cabinet; they had better take care, or by G-d! I will have them impeached. You are a gentleman, believe. I have no fear of you; but take care what you do.' he added. you cannot wonder at my making these difficulties with a Ministry that has been forced upon me.' However, as Glenelg went on reading, H. M. got more calm. He approved of what was said about the Legislative Council and the territorial revenues. In short, he approved of the instructions generally on that day, and also on the following Monday; but, when Glenelg went into the closet this day (Wednesday, 15th July), he was very sulky, and, indeed, rude; and objected to some things to which he had previously consented. Lord Melbourne was told by Glenelg how he had been treated, and, when he (Lord M.) went into the closet, the King said he hoped he had not been uncivil to Lord Glenelg, on which Lord Melbourne made only a stiff bow. The King took the reproof most becomingly; for when Glenelg went in a second time, H. M. was exceedingly kind to him, and said, He approved of every word of the instructions; ' and he then remarked that he was not like William III., who often signed what he did not approve. He would not do that. He was not disposed to infringe on the liberty of any of his subjects; but he must preserve his own prerogative.' him, adding, "I hope you won't hang me, my Lord.' Such was this kind good man, generally most just and generous, but, when irritated, scarcely himself. He was more sincere than suited his Royal office, and could not conceal his likings and dislikings from those who were most affected by them." (Vol. iii. pp. 146149.) "H. M. retained his good humour at the "We all stared at each other. Melbourne Council, which he held afterwards, to hear the said, It is better not to quarrel with him. He Recorder's Report. Chief Justice Denman was is evidently in a state of great excitement.' detained at Guildhall, and kept His Majesty When he came the King And yet the King gave Dedel, the Dutch Am-waiting a long time. bassador, the same day, on taking leave, very took his apologies very kindly. He asked the sensible advice, and told him to let the King Chief Justice when he should leave London for of Holland know that he was ignorant of his the holidays, and where he lived; and invited true position, and that Belgium was lost irre-him to Windsor, and said he should be glad to see coverably.' H. M. had also given his assent in writing to the second reading of our Irish Church Reform Bill, which showed that these outbursts were more physical than signs of any settled design; although there were some of us who thought it was intended to drive us by incivilities to resign our places, and thus make us the apparent authors of our own retirement. Lord Frederick Fitzclarence told me that his The King felt to a greater degree than father had much to bear, being beset by the Duke of Cumberland and Duchess of Gloucester his Ministers an extreme alarm at the danby day, and by the Queen at night. As to our-ger of Russian aggression. His early exselves, it was clear to me that, if we continued in the Government, it would be entirely owing to the good sense and good manners of our chief who knew how to deal with his master, as well as with his colleagues, and never, that I saw, made a mistake in regard to either; and I must add that, when a stand was to be made on anything considered to be a vital principle of his Government, he was as firm as a rock.' perience in the naval service gave him a peculiar interest in the fleet. And it is of interest at the present moment to observe that he laid especial stress on the maintenance of an efficient Militia. The following energetic expression of his opinions was delivered at a Council held for the merely formal purpose of the approval of the Speech to be delivered from the Throne: "We foresaw that the instructions, which we had agreed upon as the basis of Lord Gosford's "At the Council next day occurred a most administration in Canada, would meet with remarkable scene. There was a levée, and then much disfavour in the Royal closet; and Lord came the Council. When His Majesty was to Glenelg told me that when he read these instruc-say Approved' to the reduction of the militia tions to the King, H. M. broke out violently staff, he broke out: ` My Lords, nothing against the use of certain words, saying, 'No, should induce me to assent to this, but for two man reasons: one is, that I do not wish to expose ick dissented from making any effort in this those Colonels who have deserted their duty, direction, and said it would lead to a general and done so much to injure this constitutional war." (Vol. iii. p. 177.) force; the other is, that I am resolved the system shall be put upon a better footing the next session of Parliament. My Lords, I am an old older than any of your Lordships—and, therefore, know more than any of you. In 1756 George II. had, as I have now, what was called a Whig Ministry; that Ministry originated a Militia Bill, to frame a constitutional defence of the kingdom. George II. had not the advantages which his successors possessed. He opposed the Bill; and he was seconded by persons, in different counties, some from one motive, some from another, perhaps, subserviency; but his Ministers wisely persevered, and carried their measure; since which time this great force has been kept up as it ought to be, and shall be, in spite of agitators in Ireland, and agitators in England; for, my Lords, I dread to think what might be the consequences, if Russia were to attack us unprepared. I say I never will consent to the destruction of this force, and, early in the next session of Parliament, whoever may be, or whoever are, Ministers, I will have the militia restored to a proper state. I say this, not only before my confidential advisers, but before others [C. Greville and two or three others of the Household], because I wish to have my sentiments known.' The Great Seal was put in Commission on the return of Lord Melbourne to office, for one of the chief difficulties of his former Administration had been the intense dislike of the King to Lord Brougham, which was shared to some extent by his former colleagues. But this arrangement was temporary, and the question soon arose whether Campbell, the Attorney-General, Pepys, the Master of the Rolls, or Bickersteth should be Chancellor. Hobhouse energetically supported his old friend "Such was the substance, and, in great part We the very words, of his Majesty's harangue. looked at one another. Lord Melbourne was very black, and very haughty. I thought he would have broken out.' (Vol. iii. pp. 164, 165.) His Majesty did not let the subject drop, and it gave rise to a decision of the Cabinet which has not before been made known. Bickersteth. But Lord Melbourne said he was too fond of theoretical speculation and was untried in public life. It ended by the choice of Pepys, and Bickersteth had a peerage and the Rolls. As a debater Lord Langdale brought no additional strength to the government, and so far Lord Melbourne was right; but Lord Melbourne said that he did not regard Brougham as a very formidable opponent. The King observed that if Ministers had made Campbell Lord Chancellor, “public opinion would have been against them, lic opinion;" he thought highly of Bickerand that no man could stand against pubsteth on account of an answer he had made to one of Brougham's flighty speeches at the London University. In the course of the proceedings before the Privy Council with reference to the charter of the London University, Brougham asked Bickersteth, who was counsel for the University of Cambridge against the charter, what would happen if the new University pro"Our next Cabinet, a dinner at P. Thomp-ceeded to confer degrees without any son's, was chiefly taken up with considering a charter at all? 66 They would incur." very strong letter from the King on Russian ag- said Bickersteth, "the scorn and contempt gression. H. M. proposed to call on Parliament of mankind." It was probably to this refor a vote of 3,000 additional seamen, and to tort that the King made allusion. In the state frankly that the continued aggression of end Campbell succeeded to the Great Seal, Russia justified this demand. The letter exand was a better Chancellor than many of pressed a hope that Lord Durham would not be his rivals. deluded by the fine speeches of the Emperor Nicholas. The King condemned in the strongest language the Emperor's speech to the Polish Deputation at Warsaw, which, H. M. observed, made the Vienna treaties of 1815 nothing better than waste paper. The letter concluded with hoping that something might be said in the Royal Speech, at the opening of Parliament, on the subject of Russian aggression. The difficulties of the Government arose quite as much from the disaffection of their Radical allies as from the tactics of their avowed opponents. Their Church Bills for England and Ireland were assailed with great violence by Charles Buller and Tom Duncombe, and even Hume, and so precarious was the condition of "We discussed the contents of this letter at Government that their resignation apthe next Cabinet, and, at last, agreed to pro-peared to be a mere question of days. pose to France and Austria a sort of defensive alliance against the encroachments of Russia. "Even quiet and courageous Lord Melbourne We had, however, very little hope that Austria began to give way, and, at a Cabinet on Tueswould fall in with any arrangement that might day, August 9th, when we discussed whether embroil her with the Emperor Nicholas. How- Parliament should meet in November, and the "He asked me when we were going out?' discussion turned on the position of the Admin-1 conversation with Lord Stanley, with istration, our chief told us that he had long had whom, in spite of strong party differences, doubts whether it was right and becoming to he had remained personally on friendly go on with the Government in our present con- terms. dition. There was an immense majority against us in the Lords, and the English constituencies, so far as we knew, were against us-- the Court decidedly hostile and nothing but an insignificant majority in the Commons in our favour, and, even there, it was only on doubtful and unpopular questions that we outnumbered our opponents. Lord Melbourne said a man must have the patience of an ass to stand against such odds; but he added that he saw no reason for meeting in November, unless it was probable that the Lords would give way on the Irish Corporation Bill, and, for his part, he thought they were less likely to concede, if we forced a meeting in November, than if we met at the usual time. Lord Lansdowne said to me, privately, that, if the Lords carried a vote of want of confidence, he, for one, would resign. He thought they would not propose that vote, because they were afraid of putting themselves in the wrong. I dissented from this view but Lord L. repeated his determination. Lord Holland also expressed his doubts as to the propriety of ing on much longer against the House of Lords, especially if we lost any more elections in large communities." (Vol. iii. pp. 269, 270.) And so ended the Session of 1836. go The business of the following year opened with no better promise. The following extract is from Hobhouse's diary of the 11th of February: “I heard that what I had said of the happy day that was to release us from our thankless servitude had given rise to rumours of our immediate relinquishment of office. The comment on this from our opponents was somewhat flattering; for they were pleased to say that I was honest and truthspeaking, and really did wish to leave office. This was true, so far as the desire to leave office was concerned; not so much, however, from any dislike of office, as because I did not see how we could retain it now, without loss of character, and conse quently, of influence. If we were to go out on losing our Irish Corporation Bill, I thought all would be well. We should avoid the embar I said, about the 8th of April.' He replied, An event, however, was now approaching which materially altered the prospects of the Government and the whole aspect of affairs. On the 26th May, two days after the celebration of the Princess Victoria's eighteenth birthday, it was first made known to Ministers that the King was seriously ill. He was present, however, at a Council on the 27th of May, but his weakness and irritability increased so rapidly that it became difficult to address him on public affairs. On the 16th June a Council was summoned by Queen Adelaide to prepare a form of prayer for His rassment, not only of the Tithe Bill, but the Majesty's recovery, but all hope was over; Canada Bill, and the proposals of our Radical and early on the morning of the 20th June friends, which were sure to damage us, though William IV. expired. The following devery unjustly, with our constituents. I was scription of the accession of Her Majesty aware that this was only a party consideration; to the throne is too striking to be but I thought that, even so far as the advance- omitted:ment of good principles was concerned, our speedy retreat was highly expedient. I did not see how we could possibly get over the Irish Tithe question. Vernon Smith hinted that he should be compelled to resign, if we abandoned the Appropriation clause." (Vol. iii. pp. 323, 324.) "Poulett Thompson called on me early the next day (Tuesday, 20th June), and told me that the King had died at twelve minutes past two that morning. He (Thompson) wished to know whether I had a summons to attend the young Queen. I had not; but shortly after he went away, at a quarter past eleven, a messenShortly afterwards he had a curious' ger left a summons for me to attend a Council "After reading the Declaration, Her Majesty took the usual oath, which was administered to her by Mr. Charles Greville, Clerk of the Council, who, by the way, let the Prayer-book drop. The Queen then subscribed the oath, and a duplicate of it for Scotland. She was designated, in the beginning of the oath, "Alexandrina Victoria," but she signed herself" VICTORIA R." Her handwriting was good. Several of the Council, Lord Lyndhurst, the Duke of Cumberland, and the Duke of Wellington, came to the table to look at the signature, as if to discover what her accomplishments in that department were. Some formal Orders in Council were made, and proclamations signed by the Queen, who addressed Lords Lansdowne and Melbourne, with smiles, several times, and with much cordiality. The next part of the ceremony was swearing in the new Privy Council. A cushion was placed on the right of the Queen's chair, and the Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex first took the oath. They kissed the at Kensington Palace at eleven. Shortly after-saw some tears in the eyes of the latter. The wards a Cabinet-box came, containing the phy-only person who was rather more curious than sicians' bulletin of the King's death, and a affected was Lord Lyndhurst, who looked over summons to Kensington Palace. I mounted my Her Majesty's right shoulder as she was reading, horse, and rode to Kensington. Arriving at as if to see that she read all that was set down the Palace, I was shown into the antechamber for her. of the Music-room. It was full of Privy Councillors, standing round the long table, set in order, as it seemed, for a Council. I had a few words with Lords Stanley and Ellenborough, also with Graham, and others of that party. Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington were on the right, near the head of the table. Lords Melbourne and Lansdowne, in full dress, with Russell, Duncannon, Thompson, Lord Grey, and others of our party, on the left, near the top of the table. The Duke of Argyll (Lord Steward), and one or two officers of the Household, were behind the arm-chair at the top. There were nearly ninety Privy Councillors present - so I was told. After a little time, Lord Lansdowne, advancing to the table, addressed the Lords and others of the Council, and informed them of the death of William IV.; and reminded them that it was their duty to inform Her Majesty Queen Victoria of that event, and of her accession to the throne. He added that he, accompanied by those who might choose to assist him, would wait on Her Majesty. Ac-hand of the Queen; she saluted them affectioncordingly, Lord Lansdowne and Lord Melbourne, then the Duke of Cumberland (now King of Hanover), then the Duke of Sussex, together with the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the Lord Chancellor, withdrew through the folding doors behind the chair, and saw the Queen. She was alone; but Lord Lansdowne told me that, as they entered the apartment, they saw a lady retiring into the back apartment. Lord Lansdowne returned, and informed the Council he had seen the Queen, and informed Her Majesty of the death of King William, and of her accession. Not long afterwards the door was thrown open; the Dukes of Cumberland and Sussex advanced to receive Her Majesty, and the young creature walked in, and took her seat in the arm-chair. She was very plainly dressed in mourning, a black scarf round her neck, without any cap or ornament on her head; but her hair was braided' tastily on the top of her head. She inclined herself gracefully on taking her seat. The Royal Dukes, the Archbishops, the Lord Chancellor, and the Duke of Wellington were on the right of Her Majesty; Lords Lansdowne and Melbourne were on her left. Soon after she was seated, Lord Melbourne stepped forward, and presented her with a paper from which she read her Declaration. She went through this "I went then into the antechamber, and difficult task with the utmost grace and propri- signed the Proclamation declaring Victoria ety; neither too timid nor too assured. Her Queen. A crowd was assembled round the voice was rather subdued, but not faltering, table. The Lord Mayor of London, and several pronouncing all the words clearly, and seeming Aldermen and others, were present; amongst to feel the sense of what she spoke. Every one them my friend Inglis. They signed the Procappeared touched with her manner, particularly lamation, as well as those who were Privy the Duke of Wellington and Lord Melbourne. I Councillors, to give an appearance of election to ately on the cheek. She had kissed them before, in the inner apartment, as Lord Lansdowne told me. The Archbishops and the Lord Chancellor were then sworn; and afterwards Lords Lansdowne and Melbourne, the Duke of Wellington, and some twenty together. There was a good deal of bustle and noise whilst this was going on. P. Thompson, Lord Howick, and myself, with some ten or twelve others, were then sworn together. The swearing in the Privy Councillors lasted half an hour at least. Some of us then sat down at the Council-table; and the Queen then said, 'I name and appoint Henry Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord President of my most honourable Privy Council;' after which Lord Lansdowne read several Orders in Council. One of them was for delivering over the body of the late King to the Lord Earl Marshal, for embalmment; another, for directing Sir Hussey Vivian, Master of the Ordnance, to fire the Park guns, and the Duke of Wellington to fire the Tower guns, on the proclamation of Her Majesty's accession. During this time the doors of the room were opened frequently, and many persons admitted to see the young Queen, who continued sitting quietly at the head of the table; giving her approval in the usual form to several Orders in Council. |