It is likewise said by President Quincy, for "the advancement of the same noble objects in Massachusetts," the sum of five hundred pounds was given; but we find in the will, as little respecting Massachusetts as respecting Connecticut. The direction of the will is, that "five hundred pounds be made over into New England," "and conveyed into the hands of the trustees before mentioned, in further prosecution of the aforesaid public ends." If this sum of five hundred pounds was intended for Massachusetts, then, why was not the sum of one thousand pounds intended for Massachusetts also; since both were vested in the same trustees, and to be applied by them to the same "public ends?" and the trustees, therefore, by establishing grammar schools, as they did, in Connecticut, fell into a very grievous error. But if these legacies were intended for Massachusetts, it is difficult to be accounted for, that Governor Hopkins should have named all his trustees among his most intimate friends in New Haven and Hartford, and not a part of them at least in Boston or Cambridge; so that the interests of the college, the principal object of his beneficence, might be properly looked after. Governor Hopkins must have been aware, especially after his correspondence with Mr. Davenport, that the trustees named, being all in New-Haven and Hartford, would understand the will, just as they in fact understood it. If the testator intended, that a part of his bequest should be given to a college in New Haven, but that the trustees should have power to bestow a part of it also on other institutions, if they saw fit so to do, his selection of trustees is not so much to be wondered at; but if he intended that Harvard College should be the principal object of his bounty, the selection of trustees, such as it is, without any mention of that college, is wholly unaccountable. If the trustees had all been named in Boston and Cambridge, and the language of the will in other respects had been the same as it is, would any part of the bequest ever have come to Connecticut? The trustees of the legacy in Massachusetts, in their letter to Lord Chancellor Harcourt, speak of "Mr. Edward Hopkins's charity-legacy to the school and college in New England," as if much depended on the use, in the will, of the definite article; when it is very evident that the form of expression there used, was not adopted for the purpose of designating a particular grammar school, or a particular college, but to distinguish the grammar school and college from other schools and other places of instruction. But if the trus

tees are correct, then the whole of both bequests belonged to Harvard College, and the grammar school in Cambridge; and this, with the inexplicable appointment of trustees, as mentioned above, solely in Connecticut and New Haven. We would ask, in conclusion, whether the interpretation of Governor Hopkins's language, by trustees appointed by himself, considering the relation in which they stood to him, and their known character for honesty and integrity, ought not to be considered as evidence amounting to all but proof, of what was the testator's “true intent and purpose?"

Such are some of the reasons which favor the original construction of the will, and which without question would have prevailed in determining the disposition of the five hundred pounds, had the death of the widow preceded the death of the first trustees. Without deciding any thing on this point, we think that we are warranted in saying, that President Quincy, by using the words " beneficence" and "bequest" in such connections as he has done, will leave most readers to infer, that Governor Hopkins had the intention to make a direct donation to Harvard College, which does not appear from the will, or, as we believe, from any other source. His place of residence, family alliance, personal friendships, and his letter to Mr. Davenport, give to this subject a very different aspect. Mr. Savage, in his Notes on Winthrop's Journal,* says, in strict accordance with the fact, that "Harvard College has enjoyed Governor Hopkins's legacy jointly with the grammar school in Cambridge, since 1714." If President Quincy had employed the same form of statement, we should have considered it wholly unnecessary to enter on this detail. It may be said, that in one instance the author, in speaking of this bequest, has used language entirely correct; where he says, that the "five hundred pounds vested in trustees, was destined to find its sphere of usefulness in Harvard College or the vicinity." This is true; but to most readers, without explanations, which the author has not made, this sentence, though undoubtedly introduced to meet the point we have insisted on, must appear very obscure, or rather enigmatical. With the long ellipses supplied, this passage will read as follows;-the parts understood being printed in italics. "Five hundred pounds vested in trustees in New Haven and Connecticut, and to be by them disposed of, was destined, through a course of events never contemplated by the testa

* Vol. I. p. 230.

tor, to be put into the hands of trustees in Massachusetts, and to find its sphere of usefulness in Harvard College and the vicinity." This is a concise, but, as we believe, a true account of the final disposition of this legacy. From the representation in this history, the Hopkins fund at Cambridge has been very well managed; since, notwithstanding the expensive lawsuits, in which the trustees have been involved with the people of Hopkinton, in which township the money received was at first invested, the fund, as before stated, now amounts to nearly thirty thousand dollars; and we add with pleasure, that we have never heard an intimation, that this benefaction has not been faithfully applied, as the Puritan Governor of Connecticut "in the simplicity of his heart" directed.

We should feel that great injustice had been done us, if any one should infer from what has now been said, that we are at all disturbed, or indulge in any repining, at the direction which was given to any portion of the bequests of Governor Hopkins. So far is this from being true, that we could assign numerous substantial reasons, why we are especially satisfied with the destination of that part of them, which came into the possession of Harvard College. One will be sufficient. Among the causes which have operated to make Connecticut what it has been, and is, none was more efficient, through a large portion of the first century after its colonization, than Harvard College. It was this early seminary, which kept alive the lamp of knowledge lighted by the first emigrants, and gave such a form and consistence to the institutions of this new commonwealth, that the benefits which flowed from this literary fountain must be experienced for ages to come. It was this seminary, that enabled the people of Connecticut to deserve the high eulogy in the report of the commissioners of Charles II. in 1665, that they had" a scholar to their minister in every town or village." But it was not merely in furnishing a well informed clergy, that the influence of Harvard College was felt in Connecticut. Many of the principal magistrates, instructors of youth, and private citizens whose influence extended in various ways to every class of the community, came furnished to act their several parts from the same institution. Nor should it be forgotten, that Yale College owes its existence entirely to the sons of Harvard. If Harvard College had not been established, Yale College would never have had a being. Not but that some institution for instruction in the liberal arts would, after a course of years, have arisen in Connecticut; but it would have been under very

different auspices, and with quite another class of effects. In view of these facts, it cannot but afford high satisfaction to every individual of Connecticut capable of forming a just opinion on this subject, that such decisive proof exists of the estimation in which Harvard College was held in this community by the first planters of Connecticut, and several succeeding generations. Their sense of its value is manifest in the small voluntary contributions of towns, while the institution was in its infancy; and, for the time, liberal donations of individuals. Not that we would represent the assistance early afforded to Harvard College from Connecticut, as a compensation for the benefits received, for we do not suppose that such good is to be estimated in pounds. sterling; but reference is made more particularly to the proof which exists of the early regard for literature in the two colonies, when there stand conspicuous among the early patrons of Harvard, Governor Eaton of the colony of New Haven, Governor Hopkins of the colony of Connecticut,-and with the explanations made there is no objection to his being styled a patron, and Governor Saltonstall of Connecticut after the two original colonies were united. Every thing else was in accordance with the spirit and conduct of these distinguished men; and as to hostility to Harvard College, or indifference to its interests, no evidence has been, nor, do we suppose, can be, produced.*

Connecticut, in many respects and for a long period, might be considered a part of Massachusetts. Its institutions were similar; the character of the inhabitants showed little diversity; the same great objects were pursued; there was the same love of liberty, and the same zeal for the promotion of religion, morals and literature. If there had been some little prominency given in this work to the former relation in which these two colonies stood towards each other, more particularly as illustrated in the case of Harvard College, the author would have done, in our opinion, no more than historical justice. It should be remembered here, that Yale College, so far as we have heard, never laid claim to any portion of the bequests of Governor Hopkins; and there was no obvious ground for its so doing.

* Governor Eaton is credited forty pounds in 1642. Vol. II. p. 458. He is mentioned, however, only as Theophilus Eaton; and few from this entry would know where he resided, could infer his rank and character, and the importance of his. patronage to the new institution.

It is well known that Whitefield in his first visit to New England, in 1740, expressed very unfavorable opinions of the colleges. "As for the universities," says he, "I believe it may be said, that their light has become darkness; darkness that may be felt, and is complained of by the most godly ministers." Yale College is here denounced as well as Harvard. These colleges, indeed, were, at that time, the only institutions of the kind in full operation in British America. William and Mary College in Virginia, was chartered a very short time before Yale College; but no degrees, it is believed, were conferred there till after 1750. Whitefield likewise refers to Harvard College separately. His language is: "The chief college in New England has one president, four tutors, and about a hundred students. It is scarce as big as one of our least colleges in Oxford, and, as far as I could gather from some, who well knew the state of it, not far superior in piety and true godliness."

Here President Quincy goes into some detail of the efforts which were made at Cambridge, to show that these representations of the religious and moral state of Harvard College were erroneous. He says, that in 1744, "the president, professors, tutors and instructors deemed themselves compelled to come forward in defence of the institution, and to publish, in December of that year, their 'Testimony against the Reverend George Whitefield and his Conduct;' denouncing him as an enthusiast, a censorious, uncharitable person, and a deluder of the people,' and stating at large the reasons of their denunciation. The reproachful reflections Whitefield had cast upon the college, they pronounced rash and arrogant,' and his representation of the deplorable state of immorality' in the seminary as 'a most wicked and libelous falsehood;' uncharitable,' 'censorious,' and slanderous."" A separate pamphlet was subsequently published against Whitefield by Professor Wigglesworth; and President Quincy has furnished some extracts from the manuscript diary of Henry Flynt, a tutor of the college, giving his opinion of Whitefield at the time of his first appearance at Cambridge; with which opinion, in many respects unfavorable, the author believes it probable, those of "the immediate government of the college were in unison." In his further account of the events of that period, President Quincy seems to suppose, that "the most zealous of the Calvinistic sect," the advocates of "high Calvinism," were the chief friends and patrons of Whitefield, and that opposition to Whitefield was active, just in pro