Nam qui possum putare me restitutum esse, si distrahor ab iis, per quos restitutus sum ?

XXXVIII. Utinam dii immortales fecissent, (pace tuâ, patria, dixerim; metuo enim, ne sceleratè dicam in te, quod pro Milone dicam piè) ut P. Clodius non modò viveret, sed etiam praetor, consul, dictator esset potiùs, quàm hoc spectaculum viderem. O dii immortales! fortem, et a vobis, Judices, conservandum virum! Minimè, minimè, 'inquit; immò verò poenas ille debitas luerit; nos subeamus, si ita necesse est, non debitas. Hiccine vir patriae natus usquam, nisi in patriâ, morietur? aut, si fortè, pro patriâ, hujus vos animi monumenta retinebitis, corporis in Italiâ nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini? hunc suâ quisquam sententiâ ex hâc urbe expellet, quem omnes urbes expulsum a vobis ad se vocabunt? O terram illam beatam, quae hunc virum exceperit! hanc ingratam, si ejecerit! miseram, si amiserit! Sed finis sit: neque enim prae lacrymis jam loqui possum'; et hic se lacrymis defendi vetat vos oro obtestorque, Judices, ut in sententiis ferendis, quod sentietis, id audeatis. Vestram virtutem, justitiam, fidem (mi hi credite) is maximè probabit, qui in judicibus le gendis optimum et sapientissimum et fortissimum quemque légit.2

1. Inquit---Milo speaks.

2. Notwithstanding the defence of Cicero, Milo was condemned, and, a few days after his condemnation, went in exile to Marseilles.

ORATIO IN M. ANTONIUM.

INTRODUCTION.

AFTER the assassination of Julius Caesar by Brutus and Cassius, there were many parties and tumults in Rome. The conspirators, having no design beyond the death of the despot, were undecided respecting the measures they should take, and neglected to pursue those means, which were necessary to reestablish the liberties of the republick. Mark Antony, who, during the last year of Caesar's life, was his colleague in the Consulship, at first imagined himself in danger, and began to fortify his house; but observing the indecision and pacifick conduct of the authors of Caesar's death, he recovered his spirits, and resolved to usurp the government, as soon as he was able, and, upon pretence of avenging the murder of his colleague, to destroy all, who should oppose him. To execute this design, he pretended to have no other desire, than to see the republick settled upon its old basis. He assumed the appearance of goodness and moderation; talked of nothing, but conciliating measures; and, for a proof of his sincerity, moved, that the conspirators should be invited to take part in the publick deliberations, and sent his son as an hostage for their safety. The invitation was accepted; Brutus supped with Lepidus, Cassius with Antony; the day was closed with joy and rejoicing, and the city thought, that liberty would be secured with peace. On pretence of publick concord, however, Antony proposed and carried several things, of which he afterwards made a very pernicious use; particularly a decree for a confirmation of all Caesar's acts. The people soon saw, for what end he had provided this decree, to which the Senate consented for the sake of peace. Antony, being master of Caesar's papers, and of his secretary Faberius, by whose hand they were written, forged and inserted at pleasure whatever he thought would be of use to him, and publickly sold for money whatever immunities were desired by countries, cities, princes, or private men, pretending that they had been granted by Caesar, and inserted in his books. These and several other instances of his duplicity and violence convinced the conspirators, that no good was to be expected from him, or a Senate, which was under his influence.

About this time Cicero, who had hitherto maintained some degree of neutrality or moderation between the parties, being alarmed by these violences, departed from Rome. He had, before the death of Caesar, intended to withdraw into Greece, under pretence of superintending the education of his son at Athens, and had obtained Caesar's consent and the leave of the Senate for that purpose. On Caesar's death, having hopes, that the republick was about to revive, he took his resolution to remain in the city; but being now satisfied, that these hopes were vain, he resumed his former design of absenting himself; and instead of applying to the Senate for leave, accepted from Dolabella, the newly appointed Governor of Syria, a commission of Lieutenancy, which he was to employ as a pre

tence for crossing the Ionian sea. Having passed through Rhegium,on the sixth of August, in continuing his voyage to Greece, some circumstances obliged him to put back, and when he reentered the city, he met some citizens, just arrived from Rome, who brought a report, that a full meeting of the Senate was expected on the first of September; that Brutus and Cassius had sent circular letters requesting the attendance of all their friends; that Antony was likely to drop his designs; that, as the cause of the republick had so fa vourable an aspect, his own departure was censured, and his presence earnestly desired. Though Cicero was not greatly encouraged by these reports, he determined to return to Rome; and having arrived on the last of August, he found that the expectations, which he had been made to entertain of Antony's intentions, were void of foundation, and that the outrages he was likely to commit were such, as to make it extremely unsafe for any distinguished friend of the republick to come into his power. For this reason, Cicero, on the first of September, sent an excuse to the Senate, pleading the ill state of his health, which obliged him to remain in his own house. Antony considered his absence from the Senate as an af front to himself, or as giving too much countenance to the suspicions, which were entertained of his violent intentions. Under this impression he burst into rage, and sent an officer to require the attendance of Cicero, threatening, if he persisted in his supposed contumacy, to pull down his house about his ears, the ordinary meth od of forcing those to submission, who shut themselves up, or took refuge in their dwellings from the sentence of the law. He was dissuaded, however, from any attempt to execute his threat; and being himself absent from the Senate on the following day, Cicero ventured to take his seat, and, in the absence of the Consul, deliv ered that oration, which is entitled the first Philippick. In this speech he accounted for his late retirement from the capital, and for his present return, in terms strongly reflecting on the conduct and administration of the present Consul. Antony, in his turn, greatly exasperated by the reports he received of Cicero's speech, prepared to reply at a subsequent meeting of the Senate ; and delivered himself accordingly with great acrimony against his antagonist. These mutual attacks, thus made in the absence of the parties, produced from Cicero the following famous oration, which is entitled the second Philippick, "a model of eloquence," says a Roman historian, "in the style of ancient invective;" but which, though put in the form of an immediate reply to imputations supposed to be made in his presence, never was delivered, and is to be considered as a mere rhetorical pleading in a fictitious case. The offence, however, which was given by the publication of this invective, made a principal part in the quarrel, which the parties never ceased to pursue, till it ended with Cicero's life. These orations were called PHILIPPICKS in imitation of the famous orations delivered by Demosthenes, the celebrated Athenian orator, against Philip, king of Macedonia; the second was written in the 63rd year of Cicero's age, and the 709th from the building of the city.

QUONAM meo 1fato, P. C. fieri dicam, ut nemo

his annis viginti reipublicae hostis fuerit, qui non bellum eodem tempore mihi quoque indixerit? Nec verò necesse est a me quenquam nominari vobis, cum ipsi recordamini: mihi poenarum illi plùs, quàm optarem, dederunt. Te miror, Antoni, quorum facta imitere, eorum exitus non perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis minùs mirabar: nemo illorum inimicus mihi fuit voluntarius: omnes a me reipublicae causâ lacessiti; tu, ne verbo quidem violatus, ut audacior quàm L. Catilina, furiosior quàm P. Clodius viderere, ultrò maledictis me lacessisti; tuamque a me alienationem commendationem tibi ad cives impios fore putavisti. Quid putem? contemptum-ne me? non video nec in vitâ, nec in gratiâ, nec in rebus gestis, nec in hâc meâ mediocritate ingenii, quid despicere

5

1. Fato-The ancients defined fate to be the connection and se ries of all causes, by means of which all things happen, that do happen.

2. Annis viginti-Twenty years elapsed between the Consulship of Cicero and the Consulship of Antony.

3. Exitus non perhorrescere-Catiline, who conspired against the republick and against Cicero, was slain in battle, bearing arms against his country. His accomplices in that conspiracy were, by a decree of the Senate, killed in prison. Clodius, who was an inveterate enemy to Cicero, and who by his intrigues drove him into exile, was slain by Milo.

4. Aliis-He here means Clodius, Catiline, Vatinius, Piso, and Gabinius, in opposing whose vices Cicero was more active in attacking than in defending.

5. Gratia-The Romans conferred distinguished marks of favour on Cicero. When he was banished by Clodius, almost the whole equestrian order changed their garments; twenty thousand of the young men of the greatest eminence in the city, accompanied those, who were to intercede for his restitution; and a full Senate decreed a change of dress, as in a general mourning. When he was on his return from exile, the Senate and people went out to meet him; they conducted him in triumph, as it were, and with the greatest shouts from the Porta Capena to the Capitol.

possit Antonius. An in Senatu facillimè de me de trahi posse credidit? qui ordo clarissimis civibus bene gestae reipublicae testimonium multis, mihi uni conservatae dedit. An decertare mecum voluit contentione dicendi? hoc quidem beneficium est; quid enim plenius, quid uberius, quàm mihi et pro me et contra Antonium dicere? Illud profectò est; non existimavit sui similibus probari posse, se esse hostem patriae, nisi mihi esset inimicus. Cui priusquàm de caeteris rebus respondeo, de amicitiâ, quam a me violatam esse criminatus est, quod ego gravissimum crimen judico, pauca dicam.

II. Contra rem suam me, nescio quando, venisse questus est. An ego non venirem contra alienum pro familiari et necessario meo? non venirem contra gratiam, non virtutis spe, sed 'aetatis flore collectam? non venirem contra injuriam, quam 1iste intercessoris nequissimi beneficio obtinuit, non jure praetorio ? Sed hoc idcirco commemoratum a te puto, ut te

6. Detrahi-Antony thought he could diminish the popularity of Cicero, by calumniating him in the Senate.

7. Qui ordo, etc.-The Senate had conferred the praise of well gov erning the republick upon many, but the praise of preserving the republick upon Cicero alone. Cato, when speaking in the Senate respecting Catiline's conspiracy, called Cicero The father of his country.

ཝཱིསི ས

8. Contra alienum pro familiari meo-It is not known, who this friend and relation was; but the stranger was Q. F. Bambalio, whose daughter Antony had married. Cicero, having appeared for his friend, against this Bambalio, was reproached by Antony with having violated the laws of friendship.

9. Aetatis flore collectam-When Antony was young, he was pop ular, not on account of his virtues, but rather on account of the vi vacity of youth, and his agreeable qualities.

1. Iste-It seems from this passage, that, notwithstanding some Tribune bribed by Antony interposed against Cicero's friend, yet Bambalio lost his cause.-1 -The jus praetorium was a power assumed, by the Praetors, of mending, supplying, and correcting the civil law, as necessity and equity should require.