a useful instrument; whilst his inexperience in financial questions would, it was thought, lead him to accept the accuracy of any facts and figures which were laid before him by the Egyptian Government. Lord Vivian pointed out that "Colonel Gordon, with all his eminent qualities and abilities, had no experience in finance." The Khedive, however, held to his idea. General Gordon was invited to conduct a financial inquiry, and was at first inclined to accept the invitation. M. de Lesseps was also asked to serve on the proposed Commission, and intimated his willingness to do so. The negotiation with General Gordon, however, soon broke down, and he left Egypt.'

It is unnecessary to describe in detail the tedious negotiations which then ensued. The British Government consistently supported "a full and complete inquiry" into the financial situation as the only possible solution of existing difficulties. The German, Austrian, and Italian Governments also supported the proposal. So also did the French Government, although as it became daily more and more clear that the result of any impartial inquiry must be that the rate of interest on the debt would be reduced, their support was rather lukewarm.

After long and wearisome discussions over the scope of the inquiry and the persons to whom it should be entrusted, the Khedive eventually yielded. On March 15, I was able to write to Lord Goschen : "At last I really think that, after five months of incessant labour, the inquiry is settled." On

1 These proceedings have formed the subject of much misrepresentation. The account of them given in Sir William Butler's Charles George Gordon (pp. 138-139) is incorrect. The sole reason why the negotiation broke down was that it was evident to every one concerned, including General Gordon himself, that he was not fitted to conduct any financial inquiry. He wrote at the time that he felt sure that he was only to be a figurehead."-Colonel Gordon in Central Africa, p. 310.

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April 4, 1878, a Khedivial Decree was issued appointing a Commission with the most extended powers of inquiry. M. Ferdinand de Lesseps lent the weight of his name to the Commission. He was appointed President, but did not take any active part in the proceedings, and left Egypt on May 9. Sir Rivers Wilson and Riaz Pasha were named Vice-Presidents. The four Commissioners of the Debt were appointed members. A capable Frenchman, M. Liron d'Airolles, was chosen to act as Secretary.

Some opposition had been offered, especially by the French, to the nomination of any Egyptian to be a member of the Commission. It was feared, with some reason, that no Egyptian would be sufficiently independent to express views which might be displeasing to the Khedive. These fears proved groundless. At a time when any show of independent opinion on the part of an Egyptian was accompanied with a good deal of personal risk, Riaz Pasha displayed a high degree of moral courage. His presence on the Commission was of material help to his colleagues, whose confidence he fully deserved and obtained.

CHAPTER IV

THE NUBAR-WILSON MINISTRY

APRIL 1878-NOVEMBER 1878

Difficulty of the task assigned to the Commission of Inquiry-Chérif Pasha declines to appear as a witness-Defects in the system of administration-The floating debt-The Rouznameh Loan-Loans from the Wakf and Beit-el-Mal Administrations-Ultimate reforms proposed by the Commissioners-Immediate reforms necessaryEnforcement of Ministerial responsibility-The Khedive's Civil List - Cession to the State of the Khedivial properties - The Khedive accepts the proposals of the Commissioners-Nubar Pasha forms a Ministry-Sir Rivers Wilson and M. de Blignières named Ministers - Loan authorised on the security of the Khedivial

estates.

THE Egyptian Verres was at last, therefore, obliged to render an account of his stewardship to a body of men who were determined to arrive at the truth. The Commissioners, however, soon found that, in the confusion which then existed, the mere discovery of the accurate facts of the situation was a task which presented no inconsiderable difficulties, whilst the abuses which had grown up in the Egyptian administrative system were so general and so deep-rooted as to defy the application of any remedy which would be effectual

There is certainly a somewhat close analogy between Verres and Ismail Pasha; e.g. "Hoc praetore Siculi neque suas leges, neque nostra senatusconsulta, neque communia jura tenuerunt . . . Nulla res. nisi ad nutum istius judicata est; nulla res tam patria cujusquam atque avita fuit quae non ab eo imperio istius abjudicaretur. Innumerabiles pecuniae ex aratorum bonis novo nefarioque instituto coactae," etc. — Cicero, In C. Verrem, Actio Prima, iv. et v.

and at the same time speedy. We had to deal not with a patient suffering from a single specific malady, but with one whose constitution shattered and whose every organ was diseased. Il s'agit, en effet," we said, "de créer tout un système fiscal, et cela avec un personnel très restreint; à présent presque rien n'existe de ce qui doit exister."

At the outset of the inquiry, a preliminary difficulty of a somewhat serious nature occurred. Chérif Pasha was at that time, next to the Khedive, the leading man in Egypt. No one thought that he was in any degree responsible for the confusion which then existed, but, inasmuch as he was Minister of Justice, it was to him that the Commissioners were obliged to turn for information as to the working of the judicial system in so far as fiscal matters were concerned. Under the Decree instituting the Commission, all Egyptian officials were bound to furnish such information as might be demanded of them. Chérif Pasha, on receiving

a summons to attend before the Commission, offered to answer questions in writing, but his proud nature resented and not unnaturally resented the idea of appearing in person before the Commissioners. On the other hand, had the latter yielded, all chance of extracting the truth from other witnesses would have been shipwrecked at the outset of the inquiry. The Commissioners, therefore, insisted on Chérif Pasha appearing in person. Under these circumstances, Chérif Pasha could only yield or resign. He chose the latter

course.

The first step taken by the Commissioners was to provide for the payment of the arrears due to the Government employés and pensioners. They then set to work to examine into the system of administration of the country, more especially

into the fiscal system. It is unnecessary to give the results of their inquiries at any length. It was found that public rumour had not exaggerated the nature of the prevailing abuses. Certain laws and regulations existed on paper, but no but no one ever thought of obeying them. The principal officials concerned were, indeed, often ignorant of their existence. New taxes were levied, old taxes were increased, and changes introduced without any formal authority. The village Sheikh executed the orders of the Moudir, the latter those of the Inspector-General, who, again, acted under "superior order." This "superior order," in fact, constituted the law. The officials obeyed it, even though it were only communicated verbally; and no taxpayer ever dreamt of challenging it or of protesting against it. The Inspector-General of Upper Egypt, on being asked to whom the taxpayer could address himself if he had any complaint to make, answered, with a naïveté arising without doubt from long familiarity with a system which he considered both just and natural, "Pour les impôts, le fellah ne peut se plaindre; il sait qu'on agit par ordre supérieur.' C'est le Gouvernement lui-même qui les réclame; à qui voulez-vous qu'il se plaigne?" The Inspector-General unconsciously indicated the main difficulty in the path of the Egyptian reformer. On the one hand, the people had from time immemorial been accustomed to yield implicit obedience to the Government. On the other hand, inasmuch as the Government were themselves the chief cause of all the mischief in the country, the

1 This answer is alive with the spirit of the ancient Oriental despotisms. Thus Buckle (History of Civilisation, vol. i. p. 80) records that the Institutes of Menu laid down that any native of India belonging to the Sudra caste must always remain a slave for ever, although his master granted him his freedom. "For," said the lawgiver, " of a state which, is natural to him, by whom can he be divested?" Paterson (The Nemesis of Nations, p. 50) also alludes to the same point.