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ground that every article of life had risen | fail in respect towards any individual one hundred fold, and that, therefore, the member, or towards the House collecKing, the Royal Family, the Judges, and the "from all these sayings one other Officers of State, could no longer live tively; upon their former incomes-but out of whose would really have thought him a diffipockets were those incomes to come? Out dent beardless boy, taking his station of the pockets of those who themselves were before his time amongst men.-But, is called upon likewise to pay for every neces

sary of life at an enhanced price. He thought
that if that consideration had been mentioned
at the time, it would have had the effect of
preventing so unjust an arrangement. As
matters then stood, he hoped the House would
not let it go forth that there was to be no re-
duction in the Civil List-no reduction in the
Pension List. Though it was intimated that
there was to be a reduction of one-half in the
Pension List, he must take the liberty of say-
ing that, substantially, there was no such re-
duction. It would be little, then, to the credit
or advantage of the present Government, to
have it go forth in the papers of the following
morning, that just expectations of the people
were to be disappointed, and that the present
Ministry, like the last, were pursuing a
course calculated to drive the people to de- anxious not to offend in any manner,
spair. In making that observation, however, either
he felt bound in justice to bear testimony to the

this the man that made the speech at
Is this the
the dinner at Manchester?
man that swore by the living God what
he would do; and swore away 'till the
company (good, innocent, believing
company!) stood up in rapture, and
gave three cheers to hail the oath?
Is this the same man? This the man
who called them "rips," accused them of
uttering" Billingsgate" outdoing the
first of the oyster season; this the man
who compared with blackguards of
St. Giles's, low blackguards, drunken
blackguards, those whom he is now so


humanity and wisdom which the Government

lectively;" is this the same man?" Body o me; if it be the same, sure he must have been " planet-stricken!"

Sir JAMES GRAHAM (who was for some mo

had recently shown in respect to the unhappy persons who had been tried and found guilty in the disturbed districts-that proceeding was more calculated to restore tranquillity thauments inaudible) said, in reference to the any other which they could adopt, and he speeches of the hon. members for Cricklade sincerely hoped that these merciful dispositions and Preston, that he should gladly have the would be carried still further; under the in benefit of their assistance, to enable him to fluence of such a sentiment, he intended on determine whether or not the speech of the an early day to move an Address to the Crown," hon. member for Durham was intelligible. praying for a General Amnesty to the whole of As to the particular question under consithose unhappy beings if such an act as that deration, he thought he had a right, on was passed-(cries of question). He apolo- behalf of his colleagues and himself, to gised to the House if he had departed in the claim from hon. members a little indulslightest degree from the precise question gence, in the way of time. He thought under consideration. He should be ashamed of they were entitled to a little forbearance himself if he wilfully travelled out of any from those who had expressed so high an question which he might take a share in discus- opinion of their honesty. Before they desing; at the same time, that he should be cided, something ought to be seen of the still more ashamed of himself-if, sent to that measures of the Government. The hon. House by poor and honest men, who lived by member for Preston had treated the House the sweat of their brow and the toil of their with respect; and though recollecting the hands, he did not deliver his sentiments man- constituency who sent him there, he did fully and sincerely-if he did not make an not forget what was due to the House. On humble, though earnest, appeal to his Majesty that ground, he (Sir James Graham) should and to his Ministers on so pressing an oc- treat the hon. member with forbearance." casion."

This is the maiden speech of the member of parliament, to be sure; but from the expressions of extreme humility, the prayers for indulgence on account of the young member," the great reluctance to give "personal o of fence," or even offence to the "regulations of the House; but, above all when he hoped and trusted that he


MORE PENSIONS.-Mr. HUME said there was another class of pensions well deserving the consideration of the House, on account of the abuses of them. The 57th of George III. was passed at a time when there was a great reduction of sinecures, with a view of giving to the Sovereign the power of rewarding his public servants. But the manner in which that Act had been carried into execution had He found that persons led to great abuses. received pensions three times more valuable than their services. He found pensions granted to persons who had 50,000l. a year. should so conduct himself as never to There was a pension of 15007. a year granted




to the Governor of Madras, who had also a flatly contradicted afterwards, or (withsalary of 10,000l. a year. That was an abuse out answer) so completely turned to the never contemplated by the Act. He found that Lord Sidmouth had a pension of 30001. a disadvantage of the poor fellows, as to year, Mr. Lushington 1500l., Mr. Goulbourn produce a conviction of the justness of 20001, Mr. Hamilton 1000, Mr. Croker treating the motion with the monstrous 15007., Mr. Courtenay 1000., Mr. Hobhouse contempt which it met with. But what 10007., Mr. Planta 10007., and Lord Bexley can be expected in a speech which be30001. The services of these gentlemen were never worth 30001. That was his conscien- gins: 'If honourable Gentlemen in tious opinion. He considered that most of that House, possessed of every tathese pensions were a pure waste of the "lent, endowment, and eloquence (every public money, and he appealed to the hon." talent, every endowment, EVERY Member for Dorset, whether the bill had not "ELOQUENCE!) thought it necessary disappointed him? The hon. Member concluded by moving for a return of all persons" to claim the indulgence of the House, entitled to pensions under the 57th Geo. III. how much more necessary must it be chap. 65, and the 4th of Geo. IV. chap. 90 statfor him, about as he was, humbly, ing the names of those persons, and the amount of their pensions, and the length of the serrespectfully," &c.? What can be exvices for which they were granted. pected when the crest turns white so soon; for really there had not been any-thing that we see to alarm so much; nothing but the ordinary mace, the ordinary speaker's wig; nothing that could cause such crawling upon the very belly, if one compares it with any line of the speeches out of doors; that at Manchester, at Birmingham, or even here in Stamford-street, where a tart allusion to Government practices arose in the circumstance of a pickpocket being seen in the crowd. The Government is thanked by him for its humanity; Lord Melbourne is particularly thanked; the mob is riotous, and the

Lord King's discussion about tithes, which has already been in the Register. See No. 7 of this volume.-Nothing particular in the House of Commons. February 8.

February 7.



Lord King's further discussion about tithes, which also see in No. 7 of this volume.

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HOUSE OF COMMONS. PARDON AND AMNESTY.-This incendiaries ruffian. Well, then, really night came on the motion of the Mem-all seems right. At any rate there ber for Preston for the pardon of the could be, no want of a Parliamentary labourers convicted under the special office to transact such business as this! commissions, and in moving for which Nothing done yet that might not have the only thing which he seems to have been done full as well without any asdone, is, to make a weak case as it were sistance; but much in this speech that on purpose to afford the Government an had been better left undone. It was opportunity of sending all over the not to call the starved labourers of country a comparatively strong one. England mob and ruffians that he was For, the reasoning in every mind is, sent into that House. I cannot insert of course, this: "Here is all that can this oration, for it is too long; but I "be said in their behalf; and, as a part observe that it seems to have produced

"of that all consists of unqualified de-continued roars of laughter, instead of "nunciations of the ruffian incendi- attention; and displaying, to be sure, "aries,' the 'mob,' and so on, why then some specimens of learning that were really, until mobs and ruffian incen- enough to set a school-room in a roar. "diaries are looked upon as innocent Motion negatived without a division. things, governments cannot but put "them down somehow." This is what every sober man would say upon reading this speech. Not one argument worth a straw, not a fact that was not either

IRELAND.-Expressly by way of contrast, one would think, O'GORMAN MAHON rose to move for some papers relative to Ireland. He seems to have been treated rather sneeringly by the


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House, and, therefore, instantly began | Whigs of England, who had fought the one of the boldest, one of the most battles of the Catholics for half a century, really manly, attacks upon a whole host enjoyment of office, and those stations which and thereby precluded themselves from the opponents that I ever read or heard were an object of ambition to all honourable of. Exposed to the ministers and their men. From what had fallen from the hon. adherents, to all the lawyers, to the late Member, it would appear that Dean Swift's ministers, and to the shoy-hoys (led by else was not so in Ireland," was well founded; assertion, "That what was true every-where Sir Francis Burdett), he battled away and it would even seem that words bore a difthrough a storm such as really might ferent signification in Ireland from what they have daunted a man of his years and did every-where else, and therefore when Roman Catholics talked of gratitude without experience. Indeed, he seems to have end, they must have meant gratitude without been put out by it; he seems to have a beginning. (Cheers and laughter.) He been bewildered; not to know where must say, that he had never heard anyhe left off at the last interruption; but thing with more surprise than the tirade of the it was the forgetfulness of a man whose which has re-echoed from the great agitator hon. Member for Clare against the Whigs, blood was roused. Every-body that I at the other side of the water. 44 have heard speak of this, speaks in ad miration of this young man's conduct. Had he but more experience, how he might have dealt about him in his reply. Burdett denounced the "agitator" O'Connell. The "agitator"! Oh, if DISSECTION.-Colonel LYGON presented a O'GORMAN MAHON had but recollected petition from the Surgical and Medical Society the days of Brentford agitation; had he of Worcestershire, praying for the removal but recollected the processions to Brent-of all difficulties in the way of obtaining subford, with men on the tops of coaches, jects for dissection.



February 9.

Nothing of consequence.


hired to wear chains and clank them as Devil! what ALL difficulties, COLOthey went along; had he but recol-NEL LYGON! The greatest difficulty of lected the speeches at Brentford, the all, you know, Colonel, is, not being placards, the resistance of the Speaker's warrant, the barricading the house in Piccadilly; all without any agitation or intention to agitate, no doubt; if O'GORMAN MAHON had only recollected these things, how he might have retorted!

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allowed to commit murder! That is to say, this is the prime difficulty. Why we shall be chopped at as we walk along the streets, Colonel, if all the difficulties should be removed; and the utmost lenity that we can expect, iş, that, in their tender mercies, the petitioners will content themselves with a slice or a limb, instead of the whole carcass.

Sir F. BURDETT remarked, that the Government was in an awkward predicament, and that the hon. Member near him and others, who like him professed to support them, pursued a line of conduct calculated to cause them much annoyance. If they called that backing their friends (a plague on such backing!), he would only say, the Government would find more difficulty in avoiding these side attacks than any fair and adverse motions which might be brought to bear on them by declared opponents. He compared the indiscriminate attack of the hon. Member for Clare on all men and all parties in that House, to the conduct of one of his own countrymen at a fair, who laid about with his stick, breaking, indiscriminately, the heads of friends and foes. Long as was the speech of that hou. Member, it was difficult to pick out any one thing which admitted or required an

MR. WARBURTON said, that it was not his intention to renew his bill in the present session, but that he had not relinquished the subject, and would probably bring in a bill respecting is in the next session of parliament. For God's sake do not, Mr. WARBURTON ! Do not, I say; for, if you do, you will only get the whole THING into more discredit than it now reels under. It can hardly carry what it has on it now; but pass this, and you will have the whole nation in uproar. History tells us of nations fighting for their property, their liberty, their reli


There was simply a string of general gion, but pass this law, and we shall remarks, in which he reflected on Irishmen, have a living nation fighting for its the best friends of Ireland, and on the manes !

number of clergymen for non-residence. It ROTUNDA - DENOUNCEMENTS. was necessary to check these actions; they Here the Member for Preston pre-were an attack on the church in the tenderest sented a petition from Mr. Hethering- part. Chancellors and lawyers, and civilians ton, about Mr. O'Connell's trial; and and clergymen, were all consulted how to he took occasion to denounce me prevent these qui tam actions. The informations were laid, no doubt, for the penalties, (amongst others). I have done myself and the informer had law then equally against justice in the Register, No. 7, of this persons who were altogether absent from their volume; and will only now remark, that parishes, and against those who resided in having in his “ their parishes, but did not live in the parsonprogresses denounced the House of Commons in language that age. This was an error. The learned lawyers, civilians, and chancellors, smote their foreI have preserved in some of my remarks heads to find out how they might relieve the on his speeches, he now, being in the church from the terror of these proceedings, Sir William House, being amongst those whom he and they suggested the means. Scott, he believed, brought a bill into the so becalled when out of it; he now other House by which the qui tams were to be lays about him on all who are out of put an end to. The bill was sent down to Oxthe House. That is to say, he has made ford to receive the suggestions of that learned his beginning. The mob, the ruffian body for its improvement, in order to render the bill more effectual. The bill purported incendiaries; the farmers, who, he to be a bill to make the clergy reside; the says, are the instigators of the ruffians, real object of it was to allow them to be nonand, lastly, me and the whole Rotunda! resident; and no bill, he believed, had ever So that our turn seems to be now come. more effectually answered its real purpose. Denounce any-body but the man with The lay patrons were accused of causing the non-residence, but there was no reason to bewhom he is standing foot to foot. lieve from the qui tam actions that only their incumbents failed to reside. He believed that it was found, that as many non-residents were among the dignitaries of the church as among the incumbents who derive their situations from lay patrons. He remembered that the bill he had alluded to was opposed very much by a noble Earl, then in the other House, who was as much distinguished for his zeal against the Curates' Bill, as he was since distinguished in that House for his zealous support of all measures of reforming corrupt boroughs. That noble Earl had then fought with him in the good cause night after night, and hit hard at abuses-very hard-harder than he now hit the reformers, though he had snapped at his (Lord King's) fingers the other night. He did not now hit so hard as formerly. The right reverend Prelate had charged the laymen with being the cause of non-residence, and he hoped, therefore, that the right reverend Prelate would agree to a return of all persons holding pluralities, distinguishing whether they were held under lay or ecclesiastical patronage, including ecclesiastical corporations. Such a return would show whether more pluralities were held under lay or under ecclesiastical patronage, and their Lordships would see which class was most deserving of the accusation of caus

Friday, Feb. 10.

TITHES.-Lord KING, on presenting some more Tithe petitions, wished to suggest to the right reverend Prelates, that they would act prudently, under the excited state of public feeling, if they would inform the country, not his Lordship, what was the plan they intended to propose. That would tend to allay the irritation of the people, and the country would know what it had to look to. He submitted that to the consideration of the right reverend prelates. When he first presented a petition to their Lordships on the subject of tithes, on Monday, he believed he stated that he would argue the question solely as a simple political economist, and he had not made a single observation on many of the questions which had attracted attention. He had not said one word about pluralities, nor one word about non-residence-the whole of those subjects had been brought forward by the over-zeal of a right reverend prelate in defending the church. That right reverend Prelate had charged the lay patrons with being the cause of non-residence, and had provoked the whole discussion. The right reverend Prelate said that they had smothered a bill for preventing non-residence; but when his noble Friending non-residence. It was said, as a sort of (the Earl of Radnor) asked the right reverend excuse for pluralities, that they would greatly Prelate to specify the bill, he had not given a increase the number of curates. The curates very satisfactory account. He believed that resided, and not the incumbents. It was he could give a better account than was given said, too, that the curates did the duty as well by the right reverend Prelate. He was old as the incumbents. But what lesson did that enough to remember, that about twenty-five teach the public? It was admitted that the years ago an attorney excited a great sensa-duty was as well done by the curates for one tion by the number of qui tam actions he quarter of the salary. The public would be brought to recover the penalties of a great apt to apply to ecclesiastical offices the prin


ciple that was now acted on in civil offices, | terest of the church. (Hear, hear.) In presentwhere it was found that the deputy did all the ing the petition, the noble Lord had permitted duty, namely, to abolish the principal office, himself to make some unwarrantable personal and retain only the deputy. It was a dan- attacks on some of the most respectable Pregerous lesson to teach the public, that the lates of the church. (Hear, hear.) He had curates did the duties of the church better made repeatedly attacks on that church (hear,) than the incumbents, at one-fourth of the and had always spoken in the most consalary. With respect to residence, he must temptuous manner of the church establishsay that he highly approved of the charge of ment since he had had a seat in the House. the Bishop of Winchester, who spoke of a be- The noble Baron, too, had spoken connefice without a resident incumbent, as an ec- temptuously of everything connected with clesiastical solecism. The charge of the right religion, which made it doubtful whether, as rev. Prelate did him great credit. He object- the noble Baron could see nothing good in the ed to tithes as a mode of paying the clergy. Established Church, he meant to correct They were instituted in a barbarous age, abuses. Whatever the noble Baron might when the state of society was different from say of the effects of religion, in his humble its present state, and though tithes might be judgment the clergy of the Established suitable then, they were unsuitable now. Church were a-most respectable class of men ; They might suit such a country as Poland, and he maintained that religion was the only where the land was ploughed, and then left to sure ground for private virtue and public the care of nature to restore to it what the honesty. It was a proper complaint of a right agriculturist had taken from it. Tithes im- reverend prelate, on the other evening, that peded agriculture, they prevented the applica- the noble Baron brought forward no measure tion of capital to land; and there was no pro- of his own. He had spoken of all sorts of perty more prejudicial than a tax on gross abuses: of tithes, of non-residence, of pluralproduce. No jury of twelve men would say ities; and had gone into all sorts of questions that any greater benefit could be conferred connected with the church. (Hear, hear.) It on the country than a commutation of tithes. was high time that the noble Lord's attacks, He would read to their Lordships an opinion which might cause a pernicious effect if they of a gentleman, a very sensible man, as to remained unanswered, should be noticed, and property; he was a Republican, and there- he, for one, was determined not to allow fore his opinion on some subjects would attacks to be unanswered which he believed not be much valued by their Lordships. His to be most injurious to the best interests of Lordship accordingly read a short extract the church and the country. (Hear, hear.) He from the works of Jefferson, stating that the agreed cordially with the observations made earth was the great capital stock, and was by the noble Earl, the night before last; and only inherited by individuals that the produce he hoped that the good advice of that noble might be increased. That was Jefferson's Earl would have been received by the noble opinion. He had placed property on a true Baron in good part. He agreed with the foundation. He objected to tithes, that they noble Earl, that no individual could trace the diminished the produce, and diminished the conduct of the Established Church for the beneficial effects of the right of property. The last twenty years without being convinced noble Lord concluded by presenting a peti- that it had made very great improvements, tion from a place in Cambridgeshire, for an owing to the exertions of the members of the alteration in the tithe system. Bench to enforce the residence of the inferior clergy. He was convinced that the clergymen of the Established Church stood as high in general estimation as the clergymen of any church in the world. Would to God that the upper classes possessed an equal influence ! He spoke not of the influence of wealth, but of that influence which was founded on character; and he heartily wished that the upper classes possessed as much influence of that kind as the clergy were proved to possess in the late disturbed districts among the misguided peasantry. He would only add, that he would not stand up for abuses, and was prepared to say, that many alterations might take place to improve the Church; but he had no doubt, from the exertions already made by the members of the Bench, that the individuals of that body would correct abuses, and would place the Established Church on the very best footing. He would not sit in that House and hear attacks made on that. Church without replying to them; and though he was an inefficient defender, practice might

The Duke of BUCKINGHAM required that the petition should be read.

The Clerk read it "a petition for the repeal of the assessed taxes." (A laugh.)

Lord KING required that the petition should be read further, and it appeared also to be a petition for a commutation of tithes.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA was disposed readily to extend to other noble Lords that indulgence for any difference of sentiment which he himself had frequently received at the hands of their Lordships; but often as such indulgence had been granted to him, he felt that he had no other claim to it than the sincerity with which he had always delivered his sentiments. Viewing the conduct of the noble Baron, as it was shown by his attacks on tithes night after night, and particularly his observations on the established Church of the country, he was constrained to say that he could not give him the credit of sincerity in the professions he continually made of intending, by his observations, to promote the in

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