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had still borne up, determined to give the Livery an opportunity of recording their votes Could he do more-could they require more at his hands? He felt perfectly satisfied, that if the Livery, at the commencement of the Election, had been made sensible of the deep conspiracy which was formed to defeat his just

claims-however he felt that he had done his

duty, and that the time had now arrived when he ought to follow the advice of those friends who recommended him no longer to continue so exhausting a contest. (Applause.) He then proceeded to defend the attacks he had made upon the characters of his opponents, saying that they were public men, open to animadversion, and men whose conduct would hereafter be marked with the detestation and the

abhorrence which it deserved. He next adverted

to his conduct respecting the late Queen, and the sacrifices to which that led. His enemies might rejoice that his pocket had been picked of the expenses of the present contest; but he should still persevere in the same steady and undeviating course. If he could not afford to keep a two-pair front room, he would keep a two-pair back room, and go on still, and, like Andrew Marvel, dine off his bone of cold mutton: his health might fail, and so might his talent; but he would support the great cause with his dying breath. He felt bound to do the Bank of England the justice of suying, that he met with no opposition from that quarter; but he had been defeated, and the corrupt influence excited against him only the more convinced him of the necessity of the Ballot. (Great applause.) He feared that the Government was not about to proceed in a right course-he feared that they would at last sting the people into violent courses. He believed that with such a government the people could not long be prevented from taking affairs into their own hands. He might be asked why he had not sooner exposed the hollowness of the men with whom he dealt? He confessed, he was, like FalI HAVE been informed, that a few staff, ashamed of his recruits, and he did not like to expose them; but they had now ex-weeks ago, your Lordship, by letter, posed themselves. He thanked his many told a Clergyman of the Church of Engfriends for their kindness, saying that the land, that the guilt of selling some of the poll-books would of necessity be opened on the following morning, but neither he nor any fires had been brought home to me, and of his Committee would attend. that, in consequence, I had absconded. The object of this present letter is, to request your Lordship to have the good

MY LORD,

""

"Andrew Marvel indeed! Did

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Andrew Marvel ever beg for a place? As to his "sacrifices for the Queen," Iness to inform me whether you ever did could, if I would, tell a story that communicate, in the manner abovementioned, such information; and to would make the town laugh for a month! His "pocket picked!" The apprize you, at the same time, that this letter will be published in the next Relow, the vulgar man, does he accuse the Livery of picking his pocket, gister, and also any answer that your merely because they would not vote for Lordship may be pleased to give therehim ! They seem, at any rate, to have been resolved, not to lead him into a temptation of the sort. What was his conduct as Alderman of our

Ward, at the St. Thomas's Day. before the last? Did any man ever witness partiality so gross and so foul? Did he not then defend every abuse, every waste of the city's money; nay, did he not tell the Livery to take care how they countenanced such rummaging into their accounts, lest they should be deprived of their funds altogether! Here, too, as in all other respects, the. two candidates present a most striking contrast. At that very election Mr. SCALES, though opposed in politics to Sir James Shaw, applauded his impurtiality, and either proposed or seconded a vote of thanks to him on that score. In short, whatever Liveryman reflected, in this case, had no choice: the one candidate was so fit, and the other so unfit, that, to the man who thought, there was no room for choice. Each candidade has got his just allotment: the one, the means of extending the sphere of his benevolence; and the other, a pretty good punishment for his conceit, his insolence, and his greedi

ness.

WM. COBBETT.

TO THE

MARQUIS OF BLANDFORD.

Bolt-Court, Jan. 27th, 1831.

to.

I am, your Lordship's most humble and most obedient servant,

WM. COBBETT.

No S of TWO-PENNY TRASH will be published on the 1st of February. A gentleman has written to me for leave to translate No. 7 INTO WELSH, to

which I have assented.

IRELAND..

THE run upon the Banks, though not to any extent worth speaking of, has comdirections have been issued by the Bank of menced even in Dublin, and every-where Ireland to limit the discounts, and to susperd as much as possible the issue of paper, and this at the approach of a famine in the

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West of Ireland, and a frightful scarcity in

I shall make a grand show-up of “Spiritual Persons" next week. They have outwitted themselves this time! every other part of the kingdom. But it is all for a repeal of the Union-all the conseRe-quent suffering must be incurred for the good cause, and to please the great agitator!

Fools! you are preparing a whip of scorpions

The whole country rings with Cobbett's
Sermons! Cobbett's Protestant
formation! But, what more is wanted
than Two-PENNY TRASH, No. 7?
This little work is 11s. a hundred, if
than 300 copies are taken.
Cheap Government" this, at any

for yourselves!

rate.

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know is not in your power; but you are preYou will not injure the Banks-that we paring insolvency for yourselves!

ALARM IN THE MONEY-MARKET.- Since the preceding lines were written, we have received several communications from the country and from our mercantile friends in town, which fill us, we confess, with deep alarm. Mr. O'Connell may be much nearer in bringing confusion on the country than ever, in his most sanguine moments, he could have imagined. Circulars, we know, have been sent by one great house, and perhaps by correspondents in the country, intimating others, in the corn-trade, to their factors and that for the present they must suspend all business-that they will not accept any bills

To the Editor of THE REGISTER. January 27, 1831. SIR,-I shall feel greatly obliged by your telling me, through the medium of your paper, how it is that, although meetings are taking place all over the Kingdom, on the subject of Reform, and the necessity of the Ballot, almost unanimously acknowledged, there has been no meeting for Reform in South-solvent bills-and there is a great gloom this wark. Surely it is not because Sir day spread over the city. The arrests," Robert Wilson waxed wroth on the says The Morning Register, "for the cou subject of the Ballot, in the House of tenant's Proclamation, caused Bank Stock to spiracy to evade or defeat the Lord LieuCommons, some time since. fall 3 per cent. yesterday. So much for the wisdom of the arrests!""

in cousequence of the panic created by Mr. O'Connell. The Banks in Dublin, including the Bank of Ireland, have declined the most

We are surprised that The Register, which, trade, and the delicacy of public credit, and at least, knows something of the operations of the causes which have produced the present alarm, should have let out such a paragraph as this. Every-thing has fallen, as well as hended scarcity of money from Mr. O'Cous Bank Stock, in consequence of the appre nell's threat.

The Banks have almost declined discount

ing. Government Stock has fallen less in proportion than other securities, because the English market is open; but the merchant who is forced to sell his Bank Stock, which cannot be sent to England, was obliged to submit to a reduction of three per cent.; for have fallen much more than Stock. The best the same reason, Government Debentures, informed persons consider, that but for the London market being open, Government Secu. rities would be from five to ten per cent, lower than in England.

ARREST OF THOMAS CLONEY, ESQ., OF GRAIGUE, COUNTY KILKENNY.-Friday morning, about nine o'clock, two officers from the Head Police-office applied at Mr. Cloney's

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And perhaps you can explain how it is that there has been no meeting of the City of Westminster. It cannot be from the fear of cabbage-stalks and turnips; because if that were the case it could be held in Palace-yard, or some other place remote from the danger arising from a shower of these obnoxious missiles.

We are, doubtless, likely to have a grand meeting of the Corporation of the City of London on the subject very shortly, and seeing that our great Champion of Reform was, on the very anniversary of the conversion of Saint Paul, converted to the Ballot, I have no doubt but even that will be agreed to unanimously.

I am, Sir,

Your constant reader,

S.

Bridge-street, Blackfriars,

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hotel, and inquired for him; receiving for of panic. Consols and other Government answer that he had not as yet left his chamber, Securities are regulated by the prices at the owing to his being somewhat indisposed, they London Stock Exchange; but Bank Stock is politely desired that he should not be disturbed a local security, and capable of being pecuuntil his usual hour of rising, and said they liarly influenced by domestic alarms. The would wait on him about twelve o'clock, by run upon the Bank for gold, which has been which hour a number of gentlemen, having made to a considerable extent, produced a heard of the circumstance, called on Mr. fall in Bank Stock yesterday of nearly Cloney, and tendered their services on the three per cent.; and up to the moment at occasion. They al proceeded to the Head which I write the decline continues, but it will Police-office, accompanied by the two officers, not last long. The Bank, with some inconwhere Mr. Edward Murphy, the eldest son of venience, perhaps, will meet any demand that the late Bryan Murphy, Esq., of Kennedy's- can be made upon it, and the agitation in our lane, in conjunction with Mr. Andrew Tierney, Stock Market, which compared with the ocof the house of Tierney, Brothers, and Co., casional convulsions in your's, may be likendruggists, Skinner-row, entered into the re-ed to a storm in a tea-pot, will very speedily quisite securities for Mr. Cloney's due appear- subside. About a sixth part of the holders of ance in the Court of King's Bench on the first Bank Stock are Englishmen. '. day of Term-Dublin Morning Register.

The following Order was posted last night (Friday) on the board in the Chamber of Commerce :

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"Resolved-That the Requisitionists be respectfully informed that although the Coun cil cordially approve of the object of the above Requisition, they regret that, in consequence of the existing state of public excitement, they deem it inexpedient to call any special general assembly of the Chamber.

"By order,

"THOMAS JAMESON, Register." Mr. COSTELLOE.-Yesterday two warrants for apprehension of Mr. Costelloe arrived in town, one directly from Dublin, and the other by the way of Dungannon; but he had gone off in the morning coach before their arrival. We expected something of this kind. -Belfast News Letter.

ORANGEMEN. We understand that this body has lately been greatly augmented in the north, and a new lodge of highly respectable members is about to be formed in Belfast; and this is the consequence of Mr. O'Connell's agitation-many public-spirited persons, who, in ordinary cases, would condemn such associations, being now of opinion that they are at this time called on to counteract the agitator's insidious efforts to produce revolution in this country.-Belfast Chronicle.

DUBLIN, Jan. 20.—Ja our little Stock-market, which may be regarded as a representation of our limited capital, there is now a sort

Meetings of the peasantry in the North, respecting tithes and rents, continue. All accounts agree in representing the distress amongst the poor as most appalling; and in anticipating a famine in the approaching summer, potatoes are already becoming very scarce, and oatmeal has reached a very high West; but in the South, although the potatoe price. I allude particularly to the North and crop has been deficient in some districts, yet the supply in the chief markets continues abundant, and the price is moderate. In he Clonmel market, for instance, potatoes sell at from 234. to 3d. per stone.

In the South of Ireland several Reform Meetings have recently taken place, and others have been convened.

TO MY CONSTITUENTS. "Within that land was many a malcontent, Who cursed the tyranny to which he bent ;That soil full many a wringing despot saw, Who worked his wantonness in form of law." Merrion-square, Jan. 21, 1831. MY BELOVED AND RESPECTED FRIENDS,-I am your servant. My duty is to do your business and to obey your commands. I entirely disclaim the doctrine that a representative of the people can, without being dishonest, disobey his constituents. If he differs conscientiously from his constituents, there is

Que course

for him to pursue, and that is to resign. In fact, the contest between a representative and his constituents, is almost always a contro versy between selfish interest and sacred duty.

When I solicited your votes, I pledged myself to constant attendance in the House. I have hitherto kept that pledge unbroken. It was and is my fixed determination to be in London the day Parliament meets, unless I am prevented by the 'paltry prosecution which has been instituted against ine.

I am bound to say that I am perfectly convinced that the principal motive of the most active advisers of this miserable prosecution is to prevent me from attending in my place to describe and denounce the despotic, arbitrary, and most unnecessary measures that have been resorted to in Ireland.

It would not be convenient for some arch

jobbers in Ireland, who contrive to stick their | ingly I do anticipate, that in my absence from families, like leeches, to suck the heart's the House there will be some new, and problood of Ireland, to have me expose all the bably more severe Algerine acts (as they have details of that species of peculation which been called) introduced by the Whigs. Mark enriches one family at the expense of an im- me well, recollect my prophecy-you will poverished and exhausted country. have the Whigs introduce soine delusive measure-some nibbling at the Subletting actit will, probably, be some aggravation to bę styled au amendment. There will be an alteration in the Vestry Bill; that probably will make it worse than it now is. There will be some little peddling about corporation monopolies, and a grand inquiry, to last three years louger, into tolls and customs-and these mighty boons will be consummated by

But there is one prime grievance which, above all things, it is my duty to expose―the vestry cesses and the tithe system. In all my addresses to you before my election, I ventured to prophesy, that the time was fast approaching when the people of England would join with us in a loud and irresistible demand for the total abolition of the tithe system.

That salutary cry has commenced in Eng-some law creating a Dictatorship, or someJand. It is beginning to be re-echoed in a thing of that kind, in Ireland. Believe me I proper and legal manner in Ireland. The shall prove a true prophet. accomplishment of my prophecy is fast approaching. If I shall be permitted to do my duty in Parliament this Session, I hope that this most important result will be advanced; but, after all, it is only by the repeal of the Union that we can look with certainty for the total abolition of tithes.

This is one of the great reasons why I insist upon that repeal. Indeed, the Repeal of the Union is the great and really healing measure which alone is calculated to form the basis, and raise the superstructure of prosperity in Ireland. Without it, distress must accumulate; poverty must increase; famine and pestilence, which are yearly taking a wider range, must become almost universal; and Ireland must become a solitude or a slaughter-house. I say this advisedly.

But the Repeal of the Union terrifies the sordid, aristocratic absentees, and especially the bloated pluralists of the Established Church, who shudder lest we Radical Reformers and anti-Unionists should realize our plan, of the payment by the State of all such of the Protestant Clergy as really perform spiritual functious, in an ample proportion to their real labours, and not paying at all those who do no work.

Preserve this prophecy-and you will find that my words will prove true, or, if not quite accurate, it is only because I probably underrate the baseness of some of the Whigs.

If I am prevented from attending in my place in parliament-if the voice of almost universal Ireland be, in my person, suppressed —do not, indeed you cannot, blame me.

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But I should be to blame if I în anywise transgressed the law. I am a lawyer of great experience in the Criminal Law, and never was there a man more determined not to transgress that law than I was and am. My constant advice to the people for the last twenty-five years always was, as it still is, not to violate the law in any one particular. I should, therefore, be both absurd aud criminal if I violated it myself intentionally; and if it he said that I have violated it unintentionally, then, indeed, there is a demonstration of the enormous absurdity of our Fenal Code-of its unintelligibility, of its capariciousness, when a lawyer of 30 years' standing, determined not to violate the law, and knowing his every action to be watched, has yet, in presence of his enemies, put himself into their power.

What a happy elucidation it would be, of that which I have so often complained of and exposed-under the title given to it by the illustrious and immortal Bentham—of Judge

It is, however, thought wise and prudent to keep me out of the House of Commons this Session, and, accordingly, this strange prose-made Law. cution has been got up against me.

I feel it my duty to give you this outline of the motives that have, I am convinced, instigated the advisers of this prosecution. Let me remind you that it requires not only a Reformer but a Lawyer, to speak in the House with effect on the subject of the late Proclamations, and, in particular, to expose the illegal and mischievous tendency of the famous Stan-dacious perversion of fact, and a still more ley circular. It would not be disagreeable to flagrant violation of law-things, the happen that young gentleman not to have to encounter ing of which I certainly do not at all anticime on a subject so vitally important to the pate-if this prosecution does not totally and first principles of constitutional liberty. ludicrously fail. I tell you as a lawyer and as a mau, that I am entitled to an acquittal, even on the showing of my enemies themselves.

The late administration declared that they would not introduce any coercive measures during the Session. When the Tories made thus a solemn declaration, they were entitled to be believed. It would be impossible to give the same credit to the Whigs. Accord

But, my friends, I can assure you, that, without the most violent contortion of everything that has hitherto been considered as fixed law, and stated to be such by the most venerable authorities amongst the English Judges, it is utterly impossible to sustain this prosecution.

There must be, I assure you, the most au

I owe it to you, my constituents, to show you that I have not in any one respect violated the law; nay, that, in fact, I am not even

accused of any thing which can justly be called | fascinate such persons as even a chance of a violation of the law. reviving an obsolete despotism.

It is indeed part of history, and a remarkable fact, that Lord Coke, when Chief Justice, was earnestly urged by the Crown to give an opinion in favour of the validity of Proclamations. The conduct, on that occasion, of the then Solicitor-General, the toocelebrated Lord BaconWho shined, The wisest, brightest, meanest, of mankind". is well known for his servility and audacity. He endeavoured to cajole, bribe, or terrify Lord Coke into a declaration that the law justified the infliction of punishment for violating a Proclamation; but, although the Judges were then removeable at pleasure, Lord Coke, to his eternal honour, resisted.

The charge against me on the silly warrant is split into two parts. They are, as usual with absurd charges, contradictory of each other, The first is for having disobeyed the Proclamations!! There is a charge for you on which to arrest the man who has the high honour of being the chosen Representative of your county. The second is for having evaded" the same Proclamations. Now, if I disobeyed the Proclamations, it is clear that I did not evade them; and if I only evaded the Proclamations, it is equally clear I did not disobey them.

This contradiction is, to be sure, rather a glaring one; but no matter. The entire may serve the purpose of keeping me from exposing, in my place in Parliament, the fatal and foolish proceedings of some of our rulers.

But I proceed to show you the futility of those charges

:

The first is, that I disobeyed a Proclamation. I have two answers to this charge.

The first is, that it is quite untrue. It is quite false that I disobeyed all, or any of them. There is not the least foundation of fact in this charge.

The second answer is, that even if I had disobeyed any or all of the Proclamations, I should not have been guilty of any offence, unless I came within the terms of the act," called the Algerine Act-which, observe, it is not pretended or alleged that I have done.

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Thus, my friends, I tell you, that this prosecution is unfounded in two respects first, in point of fact; and, secondly, in point

of law.

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That decision has, until a very modern time, and, indeed, with the single exception of one briefless English Barrister, been held in utter contempt. I would wager any man a thousand pounds to a shilling, that one of the legal advisers of the Crown ferretted out a passage in the work of a modern Barrister and without examining its slender foundation, nor the palpable manner in which this Barrister contradicts himself-they have instituted the present prosecution upon no better authority, with the hope of reviving NOTHING LESS THAN THE STAR CHAMBER LAW.

This not the place to quote passages of law, but I cannot resist quoting here the abstract of Lord Coke's opinion, as given in a work of the highest authority, called. Comyn's Digest. Here is the passage :—

Proclamation; and, therefore, nothing will
The King cannot create an OFFENCE by
was not so before."
"be punishable after a Proclamation which

cannot be punishable as an offence to disobey
"I need not say any more to show that it
the charge against me of "disobeying a Pro-
a Proclamation. I therefore laugh to scorn
of human ingenuity to create a scrap of
" and I could defy the powers
clamation;
JUDGE-MADE LAW" to suit this occasion.
But really this is not all. The act which
enables a Lord Lieutenant to use arbitrary,
and, indeed, despotic power over all meetings,
is in its nature sufficiently severe and suffi-
ciently unconstitutional not to have it extend-
ed one iota by construction. It is really most
monstrous to talk of extending its effects by
any construction; and I trust that the day
will shortly arrive when the real advisers of
this prosecution, and of the Proclamations,
will meet the punishment they so justly merit.

In the quaint language and latinity of Lord Coke, it is said "that all indictments conclude contra legem et consuetudinem, or contra leges et statuta. But never was seen any indictment to conclude-contra regiam proclamationem."

I think I know the calibre of some that underhand advised this proceeding, and I cannot conceive any-thing more likely to

We are, I suppose, soon to see such an indictment-another bad precedent to be added to those already furnished by the Whigs when in office.

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