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to make the Irish content without a re-and now it is found necessary to perpetu→ peal of the union. ate this terrible law, in order to prevent a I shall be told that this terrible repeal of the union, which, as I said power, that this horrible discretion, before, means, in other words, a total was intended as a temporary measure abolition of tithes and a repeal of the I know it, or, at least, I believe it; but church establishment in Ireland. And, I know that it has lasted twenty-four to effect this purpose, the law is necesyears. I shall be told that it was in-sary: there can be no doubt of that; tended just to keep the country quiet and something besides the enforcement till the all-conciliating measure of Ca- of this law will be necessary; there can tholic Emancipation should be adopted; be no doubt of this; but the question but that measure has been adopted, for us Englishmen to decide is, whether and the terrible sunset and sunrise law it be for our advantage, that Mr. O'Conhas not been repealed. I shall be told nell and the Irish people, should finally that this terrible law was a law of ne-succeed or be finally subdued; and for cessity in order to prevent the greater my own part, I have no hesitation in evil of open rebellion. I may well saying that I do most earnestly pray for admit that to be true; for what can the former, and that I do most anxiousyou want more as a proof of the mis-ly hope, that the Government and the chiefs attending this union? The parliament will give way, and will union has lasted thirty-one years; and, adopt a series of such measures as shall if, at the end of the thirty-one years tranquillise Ireland in reality, and unite such a law BE NECESSARY in order it in heart, instead of name, with this to preserve the country from open re kingdom. bellion, have we not here a complete proof that that union has tended to disturb Ireland and to injure and weaken the whole kingdom? And, on the other hand, if the Bloody Old Times assert that the existence of this terrible law be NOT NECESSARY, then let it employ its elegant pen in eulogizing the character and disposition of those by whom Ireland has been governed for the last thirty-one years.
But to judge of the effects of the Union, what need have we of more than the Paget-Stanley-Proclamations, which we have now read. The justification of these proclamations, and of the measures adopted in consequence of them; the plea of the Government, is the old standing plea for all such acts; namely, NECESSITY. In the famously-fine speech of Mr. O'Connell you find the speech of Stanley, the speech of the Marquess of Anglesey, the speech of Lord Brougham, and the speeches of several others condemning the law under which these proclamations have been made, and consenting to it only as a temporary measure to afford security to tithes and to ecclesiastical property. while the Emancipation bill was passing It is to compel the Irish to pay those and being carried into effect. The Eman- tithes against which we in England are cipation bill has been carried into effect; petitioning from one end of the country
There are, however, writers enough, and there will be, I dare say, talkers enough, to urge them to follow a dis rectly contrary course. These thoughtless and mercenary and barbarous scribes are crying out for force. Their phrase is, "If we must fight for it we must. They are for war against Ireland; they are for sending over Englishmen to cut the throats of the Irish; they are for uniting the two nations by making their blood run in one common stream. "Fight for it"! my friends? Fight for what? Why, fight for the church establishment of Ireland; for that is the real bone of contention. Fight for the religion of the church of England! Oh! no! for not one man out of ten belongs to that religion in Ireland. All the rest disown it. All the rest deem it a thing erroneous, when they give it the very mildest epithet. All the rest fly from it, as from something to which they have a horrible dislike. It is not, therefore, for this that these bloodyminded men would have us fight. It is to uphold and enforce the laws relating
to the other; to compel them to submit this would cost something, I take it; to those tithes and church rates, which and that cost would assuredly fall upon we, though under circumstances not a us. The cost of only one campaign would thousandth part so irritating and so be, first and last, not less than about galling, find to be absolutely insupport- | fifty millions of pounds sterling! There able. This is what these men would would be spies and informers by whole have us fight for; for as to separating bands to pay; there would be remuneEngland from Ireland, the charge against ration for losses sustained; rewards for Mr. O'Connell and the people in this loyalty innumerable, and in amount respect is as false and foul as any that prodigious; pensions for wounded, ever issued from the lungs of corrup-provision for widows and orphans, tion. and, in short, a new national debt created; and all for the sake of up holding tithes; all for the sake of upholding that by which millions are made miserable for the sake of support. ing the splendour of a few families. The end, however, does not come,
Besides, in what a state of things is it, that it is proposed to commence this famous fight for tithes and church lands to be kept in the hands of a few families that now possess and have so long possessed them? In what a state of things is it that this fight is to be commenced notwithstanding all this. The country and to be carried on? England herself must be laid desolate; it must be made is in a charming situation for making unproductive and worth nothing; or war upon Ireland, for upholding tithes, there must be a force maintained to or for any other purpose. France is keep the people in subjection. If it marching on through the bankruptcies require thirty thousand soldiers now, it of loan-mongering Ministers to a repub-will require sixty thousand after this lic, taking the successful revolters of Bel-fight, to keep the people in a state of gium under her wing; and this too amidst obedience. So that the fight is not the shouts of a thousand to one of the all: there are taxes and debt that hang English nation. The English labourers to the tail of the fight, as we now find have issued their proclamation against them hanging to the tail of the glorious the infernal potatoes and salt; and, victory of Waterloo. these stupid and bloody men imagine, that they will go and compel the Irish to live upon potatoes!
Such would be the consequences of victory; those of defeat I must leave others to describe. But have I described all the consequences? Have I, above all other men living, forgotten that there is paper-money in Ireland? aye, and in England too! Oh, no! And who is there that does not know that a fighting for it would reduce this paper, in an instant, to a state inferior to that of its parent, rags? In short, it is impossible for the paper-money to circulate in Ireland for one moment after men begin soberly to anticipate a fight. You have seen that Mr. O'Connell, at the close of his second letter, (inserted in this REGISTER,) notifies, that if the Government proceed to a suppression of the Press, he shall recommend an universal rejection of the rags! That would be effectual for the putting a stop to their circulation. The contagion would reach England imme diately, and put a complete stop
But "fight for it!" Suppose we were to fight, and were to triumph; and suppose this triumph to be as complete as these bloody men could wish it to be. The Bloody Old Times suggests that an absolute power of dungeoning bill should be passed for Ireland, and that Members of Parliament should be as liable to be shut up as other men: that is to say, the bloody thing proposes that Mr. O'Connell should be seized at once, and shut up in a dungeon. Well, now, suppose the Whigs to do this first, and then suppose an English and a Scotch army to go over, kill two or three hundred thousand Irish with as much facility as Bobadil obtained his victories, and make the rest of the people live in slavery and misery as complete as ever; suppose all this to be accomplished, and that is supposing a prodigious deal;
to the circulation of Walter Scott's find themselves defeated here, silence favourite money in Scotland. It is them by granting their prayer. For much more easy to conceive than it my own part, being perfectly conwould be safe to describe all the conse- vinced that Ireland never can know quences near and remote of the blowing tranquillity as long as the Established up of this paper system. That state of Church shall exist there; being also barter to within forty-eight hours of convinced that a repeal of the union which Liverpool's ministry had brought would also produce a repeal of that us, would certainly arrive; and the sort establishment: to the prayers of the opof barter which would be carried on pressed people of Ireland and their between the labourers, on the one side, faithful and truly pious priests, will and the parsons, farmers, land-owners, always, with regard to this matter, be and land-jobbers, on the other side, it is added the humble and earnest prayer of quite amusing to contemplate. Barter Their faithful friend means giving one thing for another; and most obedient Servant, and, as the labourers would want WM. COBBETT. victuals, drink, firing, clothing, and P.S. Since writing the above, the bedding, and would have nothing to news has arrived, that Mr. O'Connell give in return, they would do, doubtless, has been ARRESTED, on a charge of as their "betters" have done; that is conspiracy to resist the Paget-Stanley to say, pay in promises; but, in the proclamation; that he had been commean time they must take the commo-pelled to give bail, or go to jail; and dities! Thus reverting to the pristine that BARON TUYL, as Secretary to law; the law of nature, which, as dip- the Lord Lieutenant, was, when the lomatists term it, is the droit du plus bail was given, acting in a post of pubfort, or, in plain English, the right of lic trust. Mr. O'CONNELL said: "Oh! might; which, indeed, is the very law I am glad of that! Take a note of to which the Bloody Old Times news-that! I suppose, that this man is a paper is now appealing against Mr. foreigner." Mr. O'CONNELL went off O'Connell and the Irish people. to a Parish-meeting for repeal of the union, as soon as he had given bail.My God! when are we to see an end of the troubles created by this Church Establishment!
Thus, then, this fighting for it is a matter worth thinking about twice before it be once attempted; the fight is not all. The victory, if one, does not end; and it may, as we have seen, produce a complete revolution in property. It may cause food, raiment, houses, and even land to exchange mas- THE reader will, doubtless, wonder ters; and all this risk is to be run what this appellation can mean. The merely for the sake of compelling peo-affair is this: on the 17th instant there ple to pay tithes; for, I repeat it over was a meeting at the London Tavern, and over again, this is the great, and the" for the purpose of expressing admiraonly great, ground of the quarrel. I"tion of the conduct of the electors of trust that the Ministers will reject with " Preston in returning Mr. Hunt as scorn the advice of these mercenary and“ their member, and to hear a statesanguinary men; that they will speedily" ment relative to the election, from check the violent torrent of the Paget "Mr. MITCHELL, a person from Presand Stanley eloquence; that they will" ton, now in town." Mr. WAKLEY let people breakfast and dine where was called to the Chair. After the they please, and eat and drink and say opening of the business by the CHAIRwhat they please; that they will make MAN, with that great ability which he as many appeals as they like to reason; always discovers, Mr. MITCHELL made that they will, in short, if they find the his statement relative to the expenses of people bent upon a repeal of the union, the Preston Election, from which it apreply to them, successfully if they can, peared that the total amount of subby fact and by argument; and if they scriptions received was 4211. 3s. 5d.
The probable expense he gave as fol-
36 15 0
10 0 0
40 0 0
who immediately preceded him, describing the intended office as a receptacle for the complaint of every man in the community, where also all Parliamentary Papers would be regu 11 larly filed and arranged. Another important use of the office would be to forward the great cause of Radical Reform, so that every man who paid taxes should be assured of represen tation. The office would also form a bond of union amongst Reformers. It would afford the means of calling public meetings all over England. The petitions from various parts of the country would there be collected and analysed; and on show nights, as they were called, honest Members of Parlia ment would be furnished with the means. of making a powerful impression in the House. The office would likewise afford protection to many oppressed individuals in remote parts of the country, against the established village tyyrants whose power was now, he hoped, fast drawing to a close. He entreated them to look at what had been accomplished by the Parliamentary Office in Dublin. Would they allow it to be said that the most intellectual nation in the world should remain so long behind the Irish as to permit more time to elapse without adopting that most wise and efficient measure. (Applause.) He next proceeded to express his joy at Mr. Attwood's accession to the cause of Radical Reform, and dwelling upon the importance of his testimony in favour of the establishment of a Parliamentary Office. He then conclud ed by moving the following Resolution:That, for the purpose of supplying and dis seminating all useful, political, and, more especially, Parliamentary information to the Country at large, for consolidating and directing the energies of the whole people, for the re covery and protection of the people's rightsand for aiding and assisting the efforts of Mr. Hunt and such other Members of Parliament as are really chosen by the People, and truly co-represent them in the Commons House-an Office be established in London to be called the Parliamentary Reform Office."
451 15 0 Mr. Mitchell begs leave to state that the subscriptions at Manchester, Bolton, Blackburn, Oldham, Stockport, Wolverhampton, and Birmingham, were going on well when he and Mr. Hunt passed through these places; and by his orders the sums in various towns already in hand, and also what might further come in, was requested to be held until after his return, as the money would not be wanted until the medal was completed. He further takes the liberty to say, that he ordered the medal of Charles Jones, Esq., one of the members of the Birmingham Council, before he left Birmingham for London, which medal was to be executed for the price of silver and workmanship, and will be finished by the end of this present month.
Mr. MITCHELL expressed his confident expectation that 1,000l. would ver the whole of the expenses! But now something a great deal more important occurred, and of a nature that makes me wish my duty would suffer me to pass it over in silence. I shall first insert the report as I find it in The Morning Chronicle of the 18th instant, and then add, perhaps, a word or two in the way of remark.
Originally, in Mr. Grady's Resolution, it was proposed to entrust the management and formation of the proposed Office to Messrs. Hunt, O'Connell, Attwood, Mitchell, Wakley, and others; but this part of the Resolution was subsequently modified, and it was agreed tion, however, to as given above. Previous to such altera
Expenses of chairing Mr. Hunt
Charge for copies of ten poll
23 7 0
57 0 0
Mr MITCHELL hoped that any-thing he had said would not be understood as asking them for money. He merely submitted his state
in the Metropolis a Parliamentary Office, for the purpose of supplying to their tried and honest representatives the information from the country, and that assistance generally which would enable those gentlemen to devote their energies exclusively to what might be required of them within the walls of the House. (Cheers.)
MR. MITCHELL, before he sat down, wished to make to them a very important communication, namely, that it was intended to establishment, in the hope of obtaining their sanction and approbation. He was anxious to say this much, lest he should be supposed to interfere with their support of the Parliamentary Office.
Mr. LYNE seconded the Resolution, stating, that within a few days he had paid a visit to Mr. Hunt, when his table was piled with pa pers, and when he showed, in the most satis factory manner, that no one man could get through one-fifth of the business which de
Mr. GRADY then addressed himself chiefly to the last topic mentioned by the Speaker
volved upon an independent Member of Parliament. From this and other instances of a like nature he inferred the absolute necessity of a Parliamentary office, and the obligation under which all friends of freedom and of Reform lay, to aid in promoting that important object.
devote his best energies to strip the Aristocracy of that which they wrung from the toil and sweat of the labouring classes.
Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, for which he made suitable acknowledgments, and the Meeting broke up at a quarter past eleven.
The Resolution was then put by the CHAIRMAN, who observed, in reference to his name having been originally amongst those by whom the intended measure was to be carried into effect-that he did not desire
good cause-he earnestly wished to promote any-thing calculated to advance Parliamentary Reforin; but he scarcely hoped that even by that establishment any-thing very considerable could be effected. The people of England were almost in arms for their rights, and he
feared that if the Government did not propose some most important change, peace would be at an end in England. He thought that matters were approaching to such a crisis, that an establishment of that nature could not
be matured before its services would be una
vailing. In the course of these remarks he complained of the neglect of the public press manifested towards Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Hume, and those other Members of the House of Commons who spoke the sentiments of the people.
Mr. MITCHELL by no means concurred in the opinion of the Chairman as to the efficiency of such an office.
to withdraw his name from indifference to the a Radical Reform would speedily snatch from him all chance of going to the colonies to swagger about (half his time drunk) at the expense of the industrious people of England. This is what hope would fain suggest to us; but upon inquiry, I grieve to find, that it is, alas! no hoax, but a melancholy reality. To be sure, that which is here related by Mr. LYNE is quite astounding. That Mr. HUNT "showed him, in the most satisfactory manner," that he could not get through the business," and that a PARLIAMENTone-fifth of ARY Office was "absolutely necessary" to him; and that there lay an obligation on all the friends of freedom to AID in promoting this object! Let us still hope that Mr. LYNE has been misrepresented by the reporther: let us hope, at any rate, that the poor and publicac-spirited men and women of Preston will not have the mortification to hear those sounds of sad foreboding; these faltering accents of anticipated failure; these sighs heaved up by conscious want of ability, or want of something else which it would, after all that has been promised to us and hoped by us, break one's heart to name; let us hope, that at any rate, these dismal tidings are not destined to reach the ears of our spirited friends at Preston (especially the wo→ men); and, if they must reach them at last, let us, oh! let us hope and pray, that it will not be at the moment when they are hanging about their necks the "image and superscription" of him to whom a "Parliamentary Office" is" absolutely necessary!" As
Mr. BENBOW thought that Members of Parliament ought not to be employed in establish. ing such an office.
In that suggestion the Chairman fully concurred, and the names were omitted cordingly as above stated.
The question was then put and agreed to. Mr. CLEAVE, in moving another Resolution, which is given underneath, stated that the Parliamentary Office in Ireland was suppressed, and, therefore, the greater was the necessity for some bond of union in England, for the declaration of public opinion, before an Algerine Act should be passed in this country. He then moved that "This Meeting is "of opinion that the friends of Radical Re"form should make every possible exertion to
promote subscriptions, to cover the expenses "incurred at the recent election at Preston, in "order that the honest electors of that town may be hereafter free to act with like inde"pendence and success at future elections.” Mr. LYNE seconded the above. Mr. MITCHELL rose for the purpose of contradieting a misrepresentation which had gone abroad in the newspapers, respecting a passage in a speech of Mr. Hunt's at Preston.
been attributed to Mr. Hunt that he
would support the rights of the Aristocracy to other matters, they must take the lot with his best blood. He said no such thing what he did say was, that as a Member of Parliament, he was bound to support the rights of all-even the just rights of the Aristocracy
of human kind; but I pray God to spare those excellent people this murderous mortification!-I need not add
-but in maintaining the rights of the people, how happy I should be, after all, to he was prepared to shed his best blood, and to find this whole thing to be a hoax.
Upon reading this, the first thing suggested by one's hopes is, that the whole is a hoax on the part of some place-hunting reporther, who sees that