Obrazy na stronie

and cheers.) He then continues by saying, to her free, honest, and independent press; "This suffering country, with the fairest pros- and deeply and bitterly do those who are on pect of rapid improvement, if allowed to repose, the other side hate that press for the services may, if the present exhausting excitement be it has done, ahd the good that it is rendering permitted to continue, be soon disabled from to the Irish people. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) reaping the benefits projected by a patriot They may punish, they may incarcerate the King and an honest Government." Where, I persons belonging to that press, but they canask, is its prosperity and its rapid improve-not, shall not, ruin them-they may exercise ment? Is it to be found in Mr. Spring Rice's their vengeance upon the press, but it will scorn reports, the juggle and delusion of which I their puny efforts, and it will survive to be hailhave already exposed? What, I then ask, ed by the praises, and receive the benediction would be the advantage of repose to Ireland? of an emancipated people. (Cheers.) I have alIf the people of Ireland want to sleep, what ready observed that it is melancholy to look would they be the better of it? (Hear, hear.) upon the wreck of public and political characRepose can only be the result of the most des-ter; but upon how many shores do we find the perate tyranny, or it must be the result of characters of the Whigs scattered. (Hear.) great prosperity in a country, and which must While thinking upon the contradictory terms set at defiance the attempt of every demagogue of the Marquess of Anglesey's Proclamation, to disturb its peace. (Hear, hear.) It is not and his letter to Mr. Kertland, I wished to my individual character-it is not the long see what was the excuse given by the Whigs series of years I have devoted to your use-it for passing this Algerine act. I accordingly is not my services to Ireland-and, if I may turned to the Mirror of Parliament. In that so call them, it is not the conviction of any work I read the discussion on that Bill, which honesty which you believe me to possess-it is authorises the Marquess of Anglesey to issue not my devotion (for my vanity suggests to his Proclamations. The discussion took place me that you know it) to see my country what in the month of February, 1829; and I would she ought to be, great aud happy—it is not all be glad to know who was the first man who these that have brought you here to-day; but condemned this Bill in the House of Comthat which has made you assemble together is mons-who, think you, was it did so? It was the last proclamation of the Marquess of E. G. Stanley. (Hear, hear; groans and Anglesey. (Hear, and cheers.) And yet they laughter.) Here is E. G. Stanley, our new speak to me of repose. What is the repose Secretary! here he is making a speech against they want? Surely it is not that uunatural the new bill, which gives him the power of repose which the Roman historian has long putting his name to a Proclamation. (Hear.) since described, "Ubique solitudinem faciunt, Here he is, making a speech against it on the pacem appellant." (Hear.) Or is it that re- 10th of February, 1829. (Laughter.) Lord pose of which the Poet thus speaks :Althorp, who is now Chancellor of the Exchequer, also spoke against this bill. I was then in London. I spoke to several of the Whigs. I certainly did not speak to Mr. Stanley, and I pressed them to oppose it, even though it was made a condition of Emancipation. (Hear.) Hear what Lord Althorp says respecting it:-" It may appear like a paradox; but the very extraordinary powers granted by this proposed measure make it, in my opinion, less dangerous, because it is impossible that any House of Commons, or any Parliament, can wish to draw such a measure into a precedent." Lord Althorp is now one of the Cabinet. I ask him will he draw this measure into a precedent. (Hear.) Listen now to the Whig speech of Mr. Stanley :"Sir: If this measure were to be considered as a substantive and distinct measure, standing by itself, not even the details which the right hon. Gentleman has entered into, nor the arguments he has used, would have induced me, for one, or any Gentleman on this side of the House, to accede even to this pre


"Here pale Melancholy sits, and round her throws

A death-like silence and a drear repose." Repose! it cannot be good for a country which is suffering under so many evils. By repose, have waters become stagnant; they fill with poisonous matter, and throw forth a mephitic vapour fatal to those who come within its influence; while, in the moral as in the political world, if there exist requisite and salutary agitation, that agitation serves to free the waters of every impure ingredient. They burst in bubbling and gay fountains, and diffuse health, pleasure, happiness, and comfort in every country through which they flow. (Cheers.) Repose! repose beneath Procla mations repose with 100 men to send to Parliament, where we should have 300, and this 100 men to oppose 552 in England-repose while there are twenty-two rotten boroughs in Ireland for Englishmen to buy, and baser Irishmen to sell them. Repose! while we are ground down by tolls and customs of petty,liminary step-the motion for leave to bring paltry, pettyfogging Corporations, who inso- in the Bill. 1, therefore, wish it to be distinctly lently trample upon us. (Hear, hear, hear.) understood, that, if to this measure we accede, No, Ireland never can repose while she has we do so not as to a measure standing by these and so many other grievances to com- itself, but as part of the great question it is plain of. (Hear.) It is evident that an attempt intended to bring under the consideration of will be made here to put down the press. the House." (Hear, bear, hear.) I say now (Hear.) Ireland owes a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Stanley that emancipation has been

carried; the Act is now "a substantive and and its seat is the bosom of 7,000,000 of its
distinct measure"-it is no longer “a pre-population. It is therefore idle to talk of
liminary step." Why, then, will he act upon putting down the Catholic Association, except
it? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Stanley, however, by removing the causes to which the Catholic
continues by saying, "I consider the proposed Association owes its existence." (Hear.) So
measure of coercion as being ultimately I say of our meetings. Putting down Home's
blended with the promised one of coucilia-breakfast cannot put down the question of the
tion; and unless I'did so consider it, I never repeal of the Union; it is not a corporeal
could give any consent to it, as it would, in being; its spirit is to be found in the griev-
my opinion, not only be nugatory, but worse ances of the people; in the sufferings which
than nugatory-destructive to the tranquillity Orangemen, Protestants, and Catholics are
of the empire." (Hear aud cheers.) De equally obliged to endure. (Cheers.) I wish
structive to the tranquillity of the empire! now to read to you the observations of Mr.
Read that to-morrow, Marquess of Anglesey, Henry Brougham upou this Bill :-" I feel it
and then tell Ireland that she is in want of my duty, Sir, to say a few words to the House
repose. There is what your Secretary says on the second reading of this Bill; from
of the Algerine Act; but he continues which, though I cannot give it my support, I
"If the right hon. Gentleman had asked for am willing to withdraw my opposition. I will
permanent power, I would have been the at once declare that I cannot vote for it on
first to oppose the granting it. But a measure any other ground than my conviction that it
not of permanent infringement on the constitu- is to be followed up by a measure of emanci-
tion, but as a temporary deviation therefrom, pation for the Catholics. If it were not for
giving those powers necessary at the present that consideration, I would not allow it to go
moment, I assent to, with the strict understand-through single stage without meeting it
ing that the measure of conciliation will fol- with the most strenuous opposition. I object
low close upon the heels of the measure of to this Bill in the first place, because it is to
coercion." (Hear, hear, hear.) Infringe- put down the Catholic Association. I object
ment on the Constitution! And here is a to this Bill, in the next place, because it
Secretary acting on what he himself terms makes the suppression of that Association per-
"an infringement on the Constitution."petual. I object to this Bill again, because it
(Cheers and laughter.) In the same debate arms the Lord Lieutenant with what I must
Mr. Robert Grant took a part, and here are his ever consider unconstitutional power; and I
words respecting the Algerine Act-"I am object to this Bill still more, because it arms
almost afraid of this bill, as it looks like that the Local Magistracy with authority, which I
kind of legislation which has been so often tried dread much more than the power that it vests
for Ireland, which always failed to produce the in the hands of so responsible a magistrate as
intended tranquillity." (Hear, and cheers.) the Lord Lieutenant." (Hear, hear.) The
That Mr. Robert Grant now belongs to the man who delivered this speeca is now Lord
Government. Will he now try one of those Chancellor. I call upon him from this place,'
measures which he himself allows never either to resign his office, or whistle back
"produced the intended tranquillity in Ire- Lord Anglesey. (Hear.) Let him have Lord
laud?" (Hear.) I shall now read you a Anglesey, the Lord Lieutenaut who would use
passage from Mr. Huskisson's speech, in the power he has thus described, immediately
which he thus speaks of the Algerine Act: recalled. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.)
"If it (says Mr. Huskisson) had been pro- If he will not do so, then, Henry Brougham,
posed by itself, I should have been bound to Europe shall be filled with my voice-as Í
consider it as a total suspension of the Consti- exclaim against you, it shall echo with the
tution in Ireland." (Hear, hear.) Such is the cry, that a man now keeps his place in pre-
opinion of the Whigs of this Act. Now, mark ference to his principles, and that he prefers
what Lord Palmerston, one of the present office to consistency. But I wish now to
Government, says of this Act:-"My first refer you to the speeches in the House of
objection to the present measure is, that it is Lords on the bill. I shall first refer you to
unnecessary, considering the course which we the speech of Lord Clanricarde, and I do so,
are now going to pursue; and my next objec- because he and his party are now in power.
tion is, that if we do not follow that course, it These are his words on the bill, in the House
is perfectly ineffectual, for there is not an Act of Lords, on the 19th of February, 1829 :-
of Parliament, consistent with the spirit of the "Were I to confine my observation to it
English Constitution, which can put down the exclusively, I would say that it is not a bill of
Catholic Association, except emaucipation. which I approve, because it is unconstitutional
Put down the Catholic Association! you may in its principle; for if the root of the evil were
as well talk of putting down the winds of not to be removed, and this bill became per-
heaven, or chaining the ceaseless tides of the manent, it would put an end to the British
ocean. The Catholic Association has been Constitution in that part of his Majesty's do-
spoken of to-night as if it were a corporeal minions in Ireland." (Hear, hear, and
being, capable of being grasped by the arm of cheers.) If the Irish people take my advice
the law. This is folly; for the Catholic-if they be peaceable, if they keep them-
Association is the people of Ireland. Its selves within the law, they cannot be deprived
spirit is caused by the grievance of the nation, of the benefits of the constitution. (Hear,


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hear.) But there was one man in Parlia- for Legal and Legislative Relief, or the Antiment, who refused to vote for the Algerine Union Association; The Association of Act. There was one man, who would not Irish Volunteers for the Repeal of the Union;" consent to its becoming the law of the land. The General Association of Ireland for the (Hear.) Sacred Heaven! You, Marquess of Prevention of Unlawful Meetings, and for the Anglesey, were that man. (Hear, and Protection and Exercise of the Sacred Right cheers.) Every body else consented-even of Petitioning for the Redress of Grievances; Brougham gave his assent to it; but the only The Subscribers to the Parliamentary Inman who would not compromise his principles | telligence-Office, Stephen-Street;' and other in opposition to this bill for any price, was designations, have from time to time held the Marquess of Anglesey. (Hear, hear; meetings at different places in the city of groans, and cries of "shame.") Yes, Ire- Dublin, for the purpose of promulgating and land-my country! the hand of God has long circulating seditious doctrines and sentiments, been upon you. Many have been the woes and have endeavoured, by means of inflammaand the sorrows that you have endured-but tory harangues and publications, to excite and God has blessings in store for you yet-your keep alive in the minds of his Majesty's subenemies are confounded. (Hear.) Here are jects in Ireland a spirit of disaffection and his words:" My Lords, you are about to hostility to the existing laws and Government: confer a great boon; I wish it to be unincum- "Aud whereas, it hath been made known bered by conditions, and without a drawback. to us, that other meetings of the said associa You are about to perform an act of grace; tion, assembly, or a body of persons for such let me implore your Lordships not to allow purposes, under the aforesaid designations, or this act of grace to be accompanied, or, I some of them, or some other name or names, should rather say, preceded, by an ungracious and under various pretexts and devices, are act. It appears to be nothing else thau agra- intended to be held: tuitous insult. My Lords, it is useless and nugatory-It is a work of pure supererogation-it is an enactment against a thing which has no existence. The Catholic Association is defunct, it dissolved itself upon the prospect of brighter days." (Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) "We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-GeneI have now shown you what have been the ral and General Governor of Ireland, being reopinions of the Members of the Whig Govern- solved to suppress the same, do hereby prohibit ment upon this bill-this Proclamation bill, the meeting of the said association, assembly, which has assembled us all here to-night. I or body of persons, and every adjourned, rehave shown you how the Marquess of Angle-newed, or otherwise continued meeting of the sey, above all others, spoke, and acted upon same, or of any part thereof, under any name, it. (Hear.) It is not upon Whigs, nor upon pretext, or device whatsoever. Tories, that the people can rely for a repeal of the Union. We can only accomplish it by legal and peaceable means-we can only succeed by making the law not only the shield to defend us, but also to turn it into a weapon of offence against our enemies.

"And whereas, we deem the said associa tion, assembly, or body of persons, and the meetings thereof, to be dangerous to the public peace and safety, and inconsistent with the due administration of the law:

"Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 13th day of January, 1831.

"By his Excellency's Command,
"God save the King!

The publication of the above Proclamation drew from Mr. O'Connell two Letters addressed to the people of Ireland. They are to the following effect :

"Merrion-square, Jan. 14, 1831.
"And thrice he slew the slain.'

"Whereas, By an Act passed in the 10th year of his late Majesty's reign, entitled An Act for the suppression of dangerous associations or assemblies in Ireland,' a power is vested in the Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, by his or their proclamation or order, to prohibit or suppress the meeting of any association, as-is what they call a Great Captain, and a resembly, or body of persons in Ireland, which nowned military man, but he carries on the he or they shall deem to be dangerous to the political warfare more in the fashion of the public peace or safety, or inconsistent with savages of New Zealand than in the modes the due administration of the law, or any ad- adopted by civilized natious. Not content journed, renewed, or otherwise continued with having found amongst the almost formeeting of the same, or of any part thereof, gotten dead two of the intended societies under any name, pretext, or device whatso- strangled in their birth by the Duke of Northumberland-and which societies Lord Anglesey, who is a man of honour, declared, in his letter to Mr. Kertland, he would not touchbut having found them dead, aud having himself, contrary to that declaration, slaughtered two or three more, like a Zealander over the



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"And whereas an association, assembly, or body of persons, assuming the following denominations, or some of them, that is to say, The Society of the Friends of Ireland of all Religious Persuasions; 'The Irish Society

foes who have been slain, comes with his Pro- | acting as individuals, and wholly unconnected clamation club, and breaks the limbs and bat- with any previous body or assembly. It is, ters the faces of those already deprived of life, in short, an attempt to violate law, by per"This new Proclamation is, therefore, in verting grammar, and to make men who its nature, silly and absurd. It is, in one view have constituted a body still continue to conof it, the most foolish Proclamation that ever stitute that body, although that body has been issued, merely showing a childish and peevish totally and for ever dissolved. disposition, without the power to be mischievous.

"It is, in other words, saying, that because a man once belonged to a body, or assembly, he must always belong to it. But the reply is, that body, or assembly, is extinct. No matter, says this proclamation, it must continue for the purposes of proscription, outlawry, despotism, and punishment, although, in truth and in fact, it has no longer any real exeistence. Such is this attempt to extend a despotic statute.

"It is easy to see through this machinery. This is an effort to extend, by equitable con struction, a most penal, unconstitutional, and despotic statute, beyond the letter and even the spirit of the Act. Bad as that letter and spirit are in themselves, they are not sufficiently destructive to freedom for some of the advisers of Lord Anglesey.

"Before I proceed, let me once again conjure every man, woman, aye and child, in Ireland, to recollect that we are busied in a struggle for national independence by the restoration of a domestic legislature. Let every human being recollect that year after year, since the Union, Ireland has become more and more exhausted. The drain of ab senteeism-the drain of eight millions of pounds sterling every year, has had its natural effect, aggravated almost to madness as the misery of Ireland is by the heartless Subletting Act. Famine succeeds famine in a country which exports more of the prime necessaries of life, in provisions of all kinds, than any other country on the face of the earth. Every succeeding famine becomes "The former Proclamation I declared to more and more desolating, and the famine be consistent with law. This 1 affirm to go which threatens us in the year 1831 promises beyond the law, and to be an attempt to make to be more horribly afflicting than any that a despotic authority which the law has not went before it. Remember that we, the anti-vested in any person. For the abuse of the Unionists, are struggling to apply the only legal power in the former Proclamation, the efficacious remedy to all these evils; and advisers of them might, if the Parliament then, my friends, do recollect, let it never be thought fit, be impeached. I have no hesita forgotten, that the only mode to obtain re- tion in saying that this Proclamation is in dress or relief for Ireland is by a peaceable, itself an impeachable offence; and the molegal, and constitutional course. He who ment I see a popular House of Commons, I violates the law is a vile enemy of the free- pledge myself to bring it before that House, dom and happiness of Irelaud. Let there be with a view to salutary punishment. no irritation, no outrage, no violence. Above all things, avoid the least approach to that which the basest of the English enemies of Irish liberty do in their publications call for a crisis. Let the law be observed in every thing.

"Let me, however, inform the public, that this Proclamation does not affect any meeting for petition-at least that every peaceable meeting for the purpose of petitioning, the Parliament may be held, notwithstanding this Proclamation. Let there be meetings of every trade, occupation, and district in Ireland, to petition for the Repeal of the Union. Let there be a petition voted and transmitted by every parish in Ireland-let the parishes in Dublin meet-let those who have already petitioned for the Repeal of the Uniou, meet again; to petition for the removal of the Algeriue advisers of these despotic Proclamations. In short, this is the time to meet

"There is another falsehood suggested. It is, that the societies mentioned in the Pro-again and again, to petition, and to show clamation were identical. That is totally and thereby that we are not willing slaves. ludicrously untrue.

"But there is another point of view in which the present Proclamation must be considered as a wicked attempt to extend the provisions of a most despotic statute beyond its words, and far beyond its meaning. In that respect I fearlessly state, that this Proclamation is grossly and palpably illegal. It is an attempt to fix on individua's a species of outlawry. It is an attempt to extend a law, intended only for an assembly or body of persons, acting in a species of corporate or general, capacity, to private individuals,

"Every part of Europe, and of the civilised world, is in a progress to freedom. In Ireland alone is it deemed wise to exercise despotic power. People of Ireland, patienceobey the law-resort to no violence, to no secret societies-patience! obey the lawand, believe me, that those who now insult a loyal and a peaceable nation will fail in their endeavours to obstruct us in our determination to obtain legislative independence. "I am, fellow-countrymen, "Your devoted servant,


"Having told you that this proclamation is, in one view of it, most miserably silly and foolish, there is another in which it is most reprehensible; it is the false accusations it contains of sedition and disaffection. There never was anything more atrociously false than the accusations of those crimes contained in this Proclamation.

cannot, without an overpowering motive, consent to risk any private or individual inconve nience, even for the greatest public advantage.

"Let the people of Ireland, therefore, motives of the vile underlings of despotic aupause for the present. Let them watch the thority. Let them walt patiently until they see whether the Press is to be assailed. Until then I am neutral.

"But if the Press be assailed-if the persecution extends to the last hope of freedom, the Press-that instant I will use all the ener

"TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. "Merrion-square, 14th Jan., 1831. "FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,-One word more on the fourth Proclamation; one word more of caution. The object of these Proclamations is to gag the Irish people. We are not deemed worthy of liberty of speech, and you will find, I am told, sage political hypocrites, and still more base and time-serving Catholics, to ap. plaud the gerine measures which would silence the voice of Ireland.

"It is said that one of the principal mana-gies of my mind, and whatever influence I gers of the Provincial Bank in this country possess, to lessen the power of the paperhas, in conjunction with a slavish Catholic of makers, and produce a general gold currency. the Bank of Ireland, stipulated to support the despotic Proclamations, and to applaud to the very echo the despotic acts of unlimited

"I do hope that, if my fears are realised, and that the Press shall be assailed, there will not be in one week after a single bank-note


in circulation.

"Perhaps I am unnecessarily alarmed, but I can scarce believe that the underlings of Government would put these money-dealers into motion, unless there was a determination to assail the last refuge of freedom in Ireland -the liberty of the press.

"It must be some very important measure of this description that would bring forth the powerful engines of our two paper bauks. The soldiery and the police may auswer to crush other political nuisances; but when the liberty of the press is assailed, it is necessary to bring forth the great moneyed interests; the men

whose opinions would be likely to influence DISPERSION OF AN ANTI-UNION COM



special juries. There is an appearance of this
description in the Chamber of Commerce;
and any man who possesses sagacity may
safely conjecture the motives of the move-


"I have, however, heretofore done my duty; I have last year suggested to the people of Ireland to call for gold; it is quite true that I did not follow up that suggestion by repeating my advice. The truth is, I have been deterred by a fear of lessening the resources of private individuals in trade, and I

"I cannot conclude even this letter without

cautioning the people against secret societies

against illegal oaths-and against every species of violence, tumult, or outrage. The repeal of the Union cannot be long delayed by their enemies; but it may be fatally retarded by the misconduct of the people themselves.

"I am, fellow-countrymen,
"Your devoted servant,

(From the Second Edition of the Weekly Register.)

"There is also a phrase in the last Procla

mation-I mean the fourth, because I do not know whether or not it be the last-which seems to countenance the suspicion, that when despotic power may have silenced the human voice, it will proceed to silence the press; that is, to attempt to silence the press.

"COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-ONE. "Mr. O'Connell requests that the Committee appointed to make regulations for the Meeting to Petition for the Repeal of the Union will be pleased to breakfast together at Hayes's Long Room, Dawson street, on this day, Saturday, the 15th inst., at ten o'clock.

"Mark me well, my couutrymen! I some time since advised every body to exchange his notes for gold. I am convinced that it is es-Such other gentlemen as take an interest in sentially necessary for the permanent good of the proposed Meeting are at liberty to attend. Ireland that the present anomalous state of Tickets may be had at the bar, at ls. 6d." the currency should be corrected, and that At ten o'clock this morning the Committee England should not have the advantage over of Thirty-one accordingly assembled at Hayes's Ireland of a gold circulation, whilst Ireland Tavern, in Dawson-street, to breakfast. had only paper. There were, in addition to the Committee, several other gentlemen in attendauce, who were admitted upon paying for their breakfasttickets. The number in the room was be

"There is turbulence and disaffection in England to an extent that may produce an insurrectionary movement in that country. In that case bank-paper would become worth-tween seventy and eighty. less; England would have the advantage of possessing gold, whilst the hands of the Irish would be left quite empty.

the following Notice in the Morning Papers :DUBLIN, JAN. 15.-Mr. O'Connell published

Mr. O'Connell sat at the head of the room. A few minutes before eleven o'clock he rose to address the Meeting, and to confer with the various gentlemen present upon the most proper time, the most fitting place, and the price which persons should be obliged to pay for admission to the Meeting. These points having been settled, Mr. O'Connell then said he should wish to explain to those present the powers which were given by the Act of Par

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