and cheers.) He then continues by saying, to her free, honest, and independent press; "This suffering country, with the fairest pros- and deeply and bitterly do those who are on pect of rapid improvement, if allowed to repose, the other side hate that press for the services may, if the present exhausting excitement be it has done, and the good that it is rendering permitted to continue, be soon disabled from to the Irish people. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) reaping the benefits projected by a patriot They may punish, they may incarcerate the King and an honest Government." Where, I persons belonging to that press, but they canask, is its prosperity and its rapid improve- not, shall not, ruin them-they may exercise ment? Is it to be found in Mr. Spring Rice's their vengeance upon the press, but it will scorn reports, the juggle and delusion of which I their puny efforts, and it will survive to be hailhave already exposed? What, I then ask, ed by the praises, and receive the benediction would be the advantage of repose to Ireland? of an emancipated people. (Cheers.) I have alIf the people of Ireland want to sleep, what ready observed that it is melancholy to look would they be the better of it? (Hear, hear.) upon the wreck of public and political charac Repose can only be the result of the most des-ter; but upon how many shores do we find the perate tyranny, or it must be the result of great prosperity in a country, and which must set at defiance the attempt of every demagogue to disturb its peace. (Hear, hear.) It is not my individual character-it is not the long series of years I have devoted to your use-it is not my services to Ireland-and, if I may so call them, it is not the conviction of any honesty which you believe me to possess-it is not my devotion (for my vanity suggests to me that you know it) to see my country what she ought to be, great and happy-it is not all these that have brought you here to-day; but that which has made you assemble together is the last proclamation of the Marquess of Anglesey. (Hear, and cheers.) And yet they speak to me of repose. What is the repose they want? Surely it is not that uunatural repose which the Roman historian has long since described," Ubique solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant." (Hear.) Or is it that repose of which the Poet thus speaks : "Here pale Melancholy sits, and round her throws characters of the Whigs scattered. (Hear.) While thinking upon the contradictory terms of the Marquess of Anglesey's Proclamation, and his letter to Mr. Kertland, I wished to see what was the excuse given by the Whigs for passing this Algerine act. I accordingly turned to the Mirror of Parliament. In that work I read the discussion on that Bill, which authorises the Marquess of Anglesey to issue his Proclamations. The discussion took place in the mouth of February, 1829; and I would be glad to know who was the first man who condemned this Bill in the House of Commons-who, think you, was it did so? It was E. G. Stanley. (Hear, hear; groans and laughter.) Here is E. G. Stanley, our new Secretary! here he is making a speech against the new bill, which gives him the power of putting his name to a Proclamation. (Hear.) Here he is, making a speech against it on the 10th of February, 1829. (Laughter.) Lord Althorp, who is now Chancellor of the Exchequer, also spoke against this bill. I was then in London. I spoke to several of the Whigs. I certainly did not speak to Mr. A death-like silence and a drear repose." Stanley, and I pressed them to oppose it, even Repose! it cannot be good for a country which though it was made a condition of Emancipais suffering under so many evils. By repose, tion. (Hear.) Hear what Lord Althorp says have waters become staguant; they fill with respecting it:-"It may appear like a parapoisonous matter, and throw forth a mephitic dox; but the very extraordinary powers vapour fatal to those who come within its in-granted by this proposed measure make it, fluence; while, iu the moral as in the political in my opinion, less dangerous, because it is world, if there exist requisite and salutary impossible that any House of Commons, or any agitation, that agitation serves to free the Parliament, can wish to draw such a measure waters of every impure ingredient. They into a precedent." Lord Althorp is now one burst in bubbling and gay fountains, and dif- of the Cabinet. I ask him will he draw this fuse health, pleasure, happiness, and comfort measure into a precedent. (Hear.) Listen in every country through which they flow. now to the Whig speech of Mr. Stanley:(Cheers.) Repose! repose beneath Procla-"Sir: If this measure were to be considered mations repose with 100 men to send to Par. as a substantive and distinct measure, standliament, where we should have 300, and this ing by itself, not even the details which the 100 men to oppose 552 in England-repose right hon. Gentleman has entered into, nor while there are twenty-two rotten boroughs the arguments he has used, would have inin Ireland for Euglishmen to buy, and baser duced me, for one, or any Gentleman on this Irishmen to sell them. Repose! while we side of the House, to accede even to this preare ground down by tolls and customs of petty, liminary step-the motion for leave to bring paltry, pettyfogging Corporations, who inso- in the Bill. 1, therefore, wish it to be distinctly lently trample upon us. (Hear, hear, hear.) understood, that, if to this measure we accede, No, Ireland never can repose while she has we do so not as to a measure standing by these and so many other grievances to comitself, but as part of the great question it is plain of. (Hear.) It is evident that an attempt intended to bring under the consideration of will be made here to put down the press. the House." (Hear, hear, hear.) I say now (Hear.) Ireland owes a deep debt of gratitude to Mr. Stanley that emancipation has been carried; the Act is now "a substantive and and its seat is the bosom of 7,000,000 of its distinct measure"-it is no longer "6 a pre-population. It is therefore idle to talk of liminary step.' Why, then, will he act upon putting down the Catholic Association, except it? (Hear, hear.) Mr. Stanley, however, by removing the causes to which the Catholic continues by saying, "I consider the proposed Association owes its existence." (Hear.) So measure of coercion as being ultimately I say of our meetings. Putting down Home's blended with the promised one of coucilia- breakfast cannot put down the question of the tion; and unless I'did so consider it, I never repeal of the Union; it is not a corporeal could give any consent to it, as it would, in being; its spirit is to be found in the grievmy opinion, not only be nugatory, but worse ances of the people; in the sufferings which than nugatory-destructive to the tranquillity Orangemen, Protestants, and Catholics are of the empire." (Hear aud cheers.) De equally obliged to endure. (Cheers.) I wish structive to the tranquillity of the empire! now to read to you the observations of Mr. Read that to-morrow, Marquess of Anglesey, Henry Brougham upou this Bill:-" I feel it and then tell Ireland that she is in want of my duty, Sir, to say a few words to the House repose. There is what your Secretary says on the second reading of this Bill; from of the Algerine Act; but he continues which, though I cannot give it my support, I "If the right hon. Gentleman had asked for am willing to withdraw my opposition. I will permanent power, I would have been the at once declare that I cannot vote for it on first to oppose the granting it. But a measure any other ground than my conviction that it not of permanent infringement on the constitu- is to be followed up by a measure of emancition, but as a temporary deviation therefrom, pation for the Catholics. If it were not for giving those powers necessary at the present that consideration, I would not allow it to go moment, I assent to, with the strict understand-through a single stage without meeting it ing that the measure of conciliation will fol- with the most strenuous opposition. I object low close upon the heels of the measure of to this Bill in the first place, because it is to coercion." (Hear, hear, hear.) Infringe- put down the Catholic Association. I object ment on the Constitution! And here is a to this Bill, in the next place, because it Secretary acting on what he himself terms makes the suppression of that Association per"an infringement on the Constitution."petual. I object to this Bill again, because it (Cheers and laughter.) In the same debate arins the Lord Lieutenant with what I must Mr. Robert Grant took a part, aud here are his ever consider unconstitutional power; and I words respecting the Algerine Act-"I am object to this Bill still more, because it arms almost afraid of this bill, as it looks like that the Local Magistracy with authority, which I kind of legislation which has been so often tried dread much more than the power that it vests for Ireland, which always failed to produce the in the hands of so responsible a magistrate as intended tranquillity." (Hear, and cheers.) the Lord Lieutenant." (Hear, hear.) The That Mr. Robert Grant now belongs to the man who delivered this speech is now Lord Government. Will he now try one of those Chancellor. I call upon him from this place, measures which he himself allows never either to resign his office, or whistle back "produced the intended tranquillity in Ire- Lord Anglesey. (Hear.) Let him have Lord laud?" (Hear.) I shall now read you a Anglesey, the Lord Lieutenaut who would use passage from Mr. Huskisson's speech, in the power he has thus described, immediately which he thus speaks of the Algerine Act: recalled. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) "If it (says Mr. Huskisson) had been pro- If he will not do so, then, Henry Brougham, posed by itself, I should have been bound to Europe shall be filled with my voice-as I consider it as a total suspension of the Consti- exclaim against you, it shall echo with the tution in Ireland." (Hear, hear.) Such is the cry, that a man now keeps his place in preopinion of the Whigs of this Act. Now, mark ference to his principles, and that he prefers what Lord Palmerston, one of the present office to consistency. But I wish now to Government, says of this Act:-"My first refer you to the speeches in the House of objection to the present measure is, that it is Lords on the bill. I shall first refer you to unnecessary, considering the course which we the speech of Lord Clanricarde, and I do so, are now going to pursue; and my next objec- because he and his party are now in power. tion is, that if we do not follow that course, it These are his words on the bill, in the House is perfectly ineffectual, for there is not an Act of Lords, on the 19th of February, 1829 :of Parliament, consistent with the spirit of the "Were I to confine my observation to it English Constitution, which can put down the exclusively, I would say that it is not a bill of Catholic Association, except emaucipation. which I approve, because it is unconstitutional Put down the Catholic Association! you may in its principle; for if the root of the evil were as well talk of putting down the winds of not to be removed, and this bill became perheaven, or chaining the ceaseless tides of the manent, it would put an end to the British ocean. The Catholic Association has been Constitution in that part of his Majesty's dospoken of to-night as if it were a corporeal minions in Ireland." (Hear, hear, and being, capable of being grasped by the arm of cheers.) If the Irish people take my advice the law. This is folly; for the Catholic-if they be peaceable, if they keep them Association is the people of Ireland. Its selves within the law, they cannot be deprived spirit is caused by the grievance of the nation, of the benefits of the constitution. (Hear, "Aud whereas, it hath been made known to us, that other meetings of the said associa tion, assembly, or a body of persons for such purposes, under the aforesaid designations, or some of them, or some other name or names, and under various pretexts and devices, are intended to be held: hear.) But there was one man in Parlia- | for Legal and Legislative Relief, or the Antiment, who refused to vote for the Algerine Union Association;' 'The Association of Act. There was one man, who would not Irish Volunteers for the Repeal of the Union; consent to its becoming the law of the land. The General Association of Ireland for the (Hear.) Sacred Heaven! You, Marquess of Prevention of Unlawful Meetings, and for the Anglesey, were that man. (Hear, and Protection and Exercise of the Sacred Right cheers.) Every body else consented-even of Petitioning for the Redress of Grievances; Brougham gave his assent to it; but the only The Subscribers to the Parliamentary Inman who would not compromise his principles | telligence-Office, Stephen-Street;' and other in opposition to this bill for any price, was designations, have from time to time held the Marquess of Anglesey. (Hear, hear; meetings at different places in the city of groans, and cries of "shame.") Yes, Ire- Dublin, for the purpose of promulgating and land-my country! the hand of God has long circulating seditious doctrines and sentiments, been upon you. Many have been the woes and have endeavoured, by means of inflammaand the sorrows that you have endured-but tory harangues and publications, to excite and God has blessings in store for you yet-your keep alive in the minds of his Majesty's subenemies are confounded. (Hear.) Here are jects in Ireland a spirit of disaffection and his words:-"My Lords, you are about to hostility to the existing laws and Government: confer a great boon; I wish it to be unincumbered by conditions, and without a drawback. You are about to perform an act of grace; let me implore your Lordships not to allow this act of grace to be accompanied, or, I should rather say, preceded, by an ungracious act. It appears to be nothing else than a gratuitous insult. My Lords, it is useless and nugatory-It is a work of pure supererogation-it is an enactment against a thing which has no existence. The Catholic Association is defunct, it dissolved itself upon the prospect of brighter days." (Hear, hear, and loud cheering.) "We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenant-GeneI have now shown you what have been the ral and General Governor of Ireland, being reopinions of the Members of the Whig Govern- solved to suppress the same, do hereby prohibit ment upon this bill-this Proclamation bill, the meeting of the said association, assembly, which has assembled us all here to-night. I or body of persons, and every adjourned, rehave shown you how the Marquess of Angle-newed, or otherwise continued meeting of the sey, above all others, spoke, and acted upon same, or of any part thereof, under any name, it. (Hear.) It is not upon Whigs, nor upon pretext, or device whatsoever. Tories, that the people can rely for a repeal of the Union. We can only accomplish it by legal and peaceable means-we can only succeed by making the law not ouly the shield to defend us, but also to turn it into a weapon of offence against our enemies. "A PROCLAMATION. " ANGLESEY. "And whereas, we deem the said associa tion, assembly, or body of persons, and the meetings thereof, to be dangerous to the public peace and safety, and inconsistent with the due administration of the law: "Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 13th day of January, 1831. "By his Excellency's Command, The publication of the above Proclamation drew from Mr. O'Connell two Letters addressed to the people of Ireland. They are to the following effect: "TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. "Whereas, By an Act passed in the 10th year of his late Majesty's reign, entitled An Act for the suppression of dangerous associations or assemblies in Ireland,' a power is vested in the Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, by his or their proclamation or order, to prohibit or suppress the meeting of any association, as-is what they call a Great Captain, and a resembly, or body of persons in Ireland, which he or they shall deem to be dangerous to the public peace or safety, or inconsistent with the due administration of the law, or any adjourned, renewed, or otherwise continued meeting of the same, or of any part thereof, under any name, pretext, or device whatso nowned military man, but he carries on the political warfare more in the fashion of the savages of New Zealaud than in the modes adopted by civilized nations. Not content with having found amongst the almost forgotten dead two of the intended societies strangled in their birth by the Duke of Northumberland and which societies Lord Angle"And whereas an association, assembly, or sey, who is a man of honour, declared, in his body of persons, assuming the following de-letter to Mr. Kertland, he would not touchnominations, or some of them, that is to say, The Society of the Friends of Ireland of all Religious Persuasions; 'The Irish Society ever. but having found them dead, aud having himself, contrary to that declaration, slaughtered two or three more, like a Zealander over the foes who have been slain, comes with his Pro- | acting as individuals, and wholly unconnected with any previous body or assembly. It is, in short, an attempt to violate law, by perverting grammar, and to make men who have constituted a body still continue to constitute that body, although that body has been totally and for ever dissolved. "It is easy to see through this machinery. This is an effort to extend, by equitable construction, a most penal, unconstitutional, and despotic statute, beyond the letter and even the spirit of the Act. Bad as that letter and spirit are in themselves, they are not sufficiently destructive to freedom for some of the advisers of Lord Anglesey. "It is, in other words, saying, that because a man once belonged to a body, or assembly, "Before I proceed, let me once again con- he must always belong to it. But the reply jure every man, woman, aye and child, in Ire- is, that body, or assembly, is extinct. No land, to recollect that we are busied in a matter, says this proclamation, it must construggle for national independence by the tinue for the purposes of proscription, outrestoration of a domestic legislature. Let lawry, despotism, and punishment, although, every human being recollect that year after in truth and in fact, it has no longer any real year, since the Union, Ireland has become exeistence. Such is this attempt to extend a more and more exhausted. The drain of abdespotic statute. senteeism-the drain of eight millions of pounds sterling every year, has had its natural effect, aggravated almost to madness as the misery of Ireland is by the heartless Subletting Act. Famine succeeds famine in a country which exports more of the prime necessaries of life, in provisions of all kinds, than any other country on the face of the earth. Every succeeding famine becomes "The former Proclamation I declared to more and more desolating, and the famine be consistent with law. This I affirm to go which threatens us in the year 1831 promises beyond the law, and to be an attempt to make to be more horribly afflicting than any that a despotic authority which the law has not went before it. Remember that we, the anti-vested in any person. For the abuse of the Unionists, are struggling to apply the only efficacious remedy to all these evils; and then, my friends, do recollect, let it never be forgotten, that the only mode to obtain redress or relief for Ireland is by a peaceable, legal, and constitutional course. He who violates the law is a vile enemy of the freedom and happiness of Irelaud. Let there be no irritation, no outrage, no violence. Above all things, avoid the least approach to that which the basest of the English enemies of Irish liberty do in their publications call for a crisis. Let the law be observed in every thing. legal power in the former Proclamation, the advisers of them might, if the Parliament thought fit, be impeached. I have no hesitation in saying that this Proclamation is in itself an impeachable offence; and the moment I see a popular House of Commons, I pledge myself to bring it before that House, with a view to salutary punishment. "Let me, however, inforin the public, that this Proclamation does not affect any meeting for petition-at least that every peaceable meeting for the purpose of petitioning, the Parliament may be held, notwithstanding this Proclamation. Let there be meetings of every trade, occupation, and district in Ireland, to petition for the Repeal of the Union. Let there be a petition voted and transmitted by every parish in Ireland-let the parishes in Dublin meet-let those who have already petitioned for the Repeal of the Uniou, meet again; to petition for the removal of the Algeriue advisers of these despotic Proclama"There is another falsehood suggested. It tions. In short, this is the time to meet is, that the societies mentioned in the Pro-again and again, to petition, and to show clamation were identical. That is totally and Judicrously untrue. Having told you that this proclamation is, in one view of it, most miserably silly and foolish, there is another in which it is most reprehensible; it is the false accusations it contains of sedition and disaffection. There never was anything more atrociously false than the accusations of those crimes coutained in this Proclamation. "But there is another point of view in which the present Proclamation must be considered as a wicked attempt to extend the provisions of a most despotic statute beyond its words, and far beyond its meaning. In that respect I fearlessly state, that this Proclamation is grossly and palpably illegal. It is an attempt to fix on individua's a species of outlawry. It is an attempt to extend a law, intended only for an assembly or body of persons, acting in a species of corporate or general capacity, to private individuals, thereby that we are not willing slaves. "Every part of Europe, and of the civilised world, is in a progress to freedom. In Ireland alone is it deemed wise to exercise despotic power. People of Ireland, patienceobey the law-resort to no violence, to no secret societies-patience! obey the lawand, believe me, that those who now insult a loyal and a peaceable nation will fail in their endeavours to obstruct us in our determination to obtain legislative independence. "I am, fellow-countrymen, "Your devoted servaut, "DANIEL O'CONNELL.' "TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND. "Merrion-square, 14th Jan., 1831. "FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN,-One word more on the fourth Proclamation; one word more of caution. The object of these Proclamations is to gag the Irish people. We are Lot deemed worthy of liberty of speech, and you will find, I am told, sage political hypocrites, and still more base and time-serving Catholics, to applaud the Algerine measures which would cannot, without an overpowering motive, consent to risk any private or individual inconve nience, even for the greatest public advantage. "Let the people of Ireland, therefore, pause for the present. Let them watch the motives of the vile underlings of despotic authority. Let them walt patiently until they see whether the Press is to be assailed. Until then I am neutral. "But if the Press be assailed-if the persecution extends to the last hope of freedom, silence the voice of Ireland. the Press-that instant I will use all the ener"It is said that one of the principal mana-gies of my mind, and whatever influence I gers of the Provincial Bank in this country has, in conjunction with a slavish Catholic of the Bank of Ireland, stipulated to support the despotic Proclamations, and to applaud to the very echo the despotic acts of unlimited power. "Perhaps I am unnecessarily alarmed, but I can scarce believe that the underlings of Government would put these money-dealers into motion, unless there was a determination to assail the last refuge of freedom in Ireland -the liberty of the press. possess, to lessen the power of the papermakers, aud produce a general gold currency. "I do hope that, if my fears are realised, and that the Press shall be assailed, there will not be in one week after a single bank-note in circulation. "I cannot conclude even this letter without cautioning the people against secret societies against illegal oaths-and against every species of violence, tumult, or outrage. The repeal of the Union cannot be long delayed by their enemies; but it may be fatally retarded by the misconduct of the people themselves. σε I am, fellow-countrymen, "Your devoted servant, "DANIEL O'CONNELL." "It must be some very important measure of this description that would bring forth the powerful engines of our two paper banks. The soldiery and the police may auswer to crush other political nuisances; but when the liberty of the press is assailed, it is necessary to bring forth the great moneyed interests; the men whose opinions would be likely to influence DISPERSION OF AN ANTI-UNION COMspecial juries. There is an appearance of this description in the Chamber of Commerce; and any man who possesses sagacity may safely conjecture the motives of the move ment. "There is also a phrase in the last Procla mation-I mean the fourth, because I do not know whether or not it be the last-which seems to countenance the suspicion, that when despotic power may have silenced the human voice, it will proceed to silence the press; that is, to attempt to silence the press. MITTEE BY THE POLICE MAGIS (From the Second Edition of the Weekly Register.) the following Notice in the Morning Papers :— DUBLIN, JAN. 15.-Mr. O'Connell published COMMITTEE OF THIRTY-ONE. "Mr. O'Connell requests that the Committee appointed to make regulations for the Meeting to Petition for the Repeal of the Union will be pleased to breakfast together at "Mark me well, my couutrymen! I some Hayes's Long Room, Dawson street, on this time since advised every body to exchange his day, Saturday, the 15th inst., at ten o'clock. notes for gold. I am convinced that it is es- Such other gentlemen as take an interest in sentially necessary for the permanent good of the proposed Meeting are at liberty to attend. Ireland that the present anomalous state of-Tickets may be had at the bar, at ls. 6d." the currency should be corrected, and that England should not have the advantage over Ireland of a gold circulation, whilst Ireland had only paper. At ten o'clock this morning the Committee of Thirty-one accordingly assembled at Hayes's Tavern, in Dawson-street, to breakfast. There were, in addition to the Committee, several other gentlemen in attendance, who were admitted upon paying for their breakfasttickets. The number in the room was be "There is turbulence and disaffection in England to an extent that may produce an insurrectionary movement in that country. In that case bank-paper would become worth-tween seventy and eighty. less; England would have the advantage of possessing gold, whilst the hands of the Irish would be left quite empty. "I have, however, heretofore done my duty; I have last year suggested to the people of Ireland to call for gold; it is quite true that I did not follow up that suggestion by repeating my advice. The truth is, I have been deterred by a fear of lessening the resources of private individuals in trade, and I Mr. O'Connell sat at the head of the room. A few minutes before eleven o'clock he rose to address the Meeting, and to confer with the various gentlemen present upon the most proper time, the most fitting place, and the price which persons should be obliged to pay for admission to the Meeting. These points having been settled, Mr. O'Connell then said he should wish to explain to those present the powers which were given by the Act of Par |