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of loan-mongers came into the world, demeanour punishable with heavy fine law-givers never imagined the exist- and imprisonment for any overseer or ence of a state of society in which such other person in parochial authority to laws would be necessary: they never subject the indigent poor to work like imagined the existence of a state of so- beasts of burden, to put them up at ciety when the whole body of the la-auction, or otherwise wantonly to debourers would be the deadly enemies of grade them, taking as the preamble of the occupiers of the land; a state of the bill that text of holy writ which society which it is impossible should says, "Oppress not the poor because exist for any length of time without he is poor r!" producing something very like the dissolution of that society.
Now, King's Ministers, if you be convinced, as I hope you are, that the fires have been set by the labourers without instigation from any-body; that the means of terror or of punishment are not calculated to put an end to the fires; and that the fires, unless effectually put a stop to, may become far more extensive than they hitherto have been; if you be convinced of these trnths, as I hope you are, it only remains for me to point out to you what I deem the proper and effectual means of putting a stop to these fires; and these means are as follows:·
4. To repeal all the acts which have been passed relative to the game since the late King George the Third mounted the throne, and particularly that act which punishes poaching with transportation, which act has filled the county jails with prisoners, which has trebled the county rates, which has thrown a burden on all the people in order to preserve the sports of the rich, which has filled the breasts of all the villagers of England with vindictive feelings, which has been the cause of endless affrays between poachers and keepers, and which in conjunction with Ellenborough's act has brought scores of men to the gallows.
5. To pass an act to repeal and utterly abolish Ellenborough's act, which, by making it a capital felony to strike a man with a heavy instrument without killing him, or to use deadly weapons
1. To issue a proclamation pardoning all the offenders of every description, whether tried or not, upon their entering into sureties to keep the peace for a year, and bringing back those who have already been sent away, and in-in your own defence against a gamecluding them in the pardon on the like keeper, though without killing him, terms. Oh! Gentlemen, think of the puts the striker in the one case, and joy, think of the happiness, with which the defender in the other, upon a level you would thus fill all the bosoms in all with the wilful, premeditating, cool, the villages in these beautiful counties! and cruel murderer, tends to confound And think of the gratitude with which all notions of discrimination in crime; you would fill those bosoms towards tends to harden men's hearts, and yourselves; and, above all things, think weaken in them every sense of justice of the blessings which, coming from and humanity. the hearts of fathers and mothers and children and brothers and sisters, you would bring down upon the head of your royal master.
Now, Gentlemen, these are, in my firm conviction, the only effectual means of putting a stop to the fires which now terrify and disgrace this once great and happy England. That they are easy of
2. To repeal Sturges Bourne's two bills, and thereby restore to the rate-execution and speedy and quiet you payers their rights, restore the power know well; for you know that they of the native overseers, and restore to all may be accomplished in about fortythe justices of the peace their for-eight hours after the meeting of parliamer power of ordering relief, without ment; and you know that the prowhich the indigent poor can have no clamation may be issued to-morrow, sure protection. and that is the great thing of all. The 3. To pass an act, making it a mis-four Acts of Parliament would be
passed amidst the shouts of the whole kingdom. I propose to you nothing new, be it observed; not only nothing REPEAL OF THE UNION. revolutionary but nothing new do My readers remember that, when the propose; nothing but a return, in four Catholic Emancipation Bill was passed, apparently unimportant particulars, to I distinctly said, over and over again, the long-established laws of the land; that it would not at all tend to better the nothing do I propose touching the pro- lot of the people, or to tranquillize that perty of any body of persons; nothing part of the kingdom. I said that the to meddle with any institution of the measure was of no use unless it were country, even so far as to correct its followed, and that too right speedily, by acknowledged abuses; but I simply a repeal of the Protestant Established propose an act of graciousness and Church in Ireland. This has been the goodness which would reflect eternal canker-worm in the heart, the blister honour on yourselves and on the King, plaster, on the back, the goad in the the love of whose people to him it is side, the every-thing that is evil to that your first duty to preserve; and I pro- Island, which, if man did not appear to pose to you the repeal of four Acts be resolved to counteract and defeat the which you yourselves, upon reflection, intentions of God, might be one of the must lament to see in the statute-book. happiest on the whole globe. The in
It is a false and villanous assertion that they want or have ever wanted to be separated from England, except as far as relates to this church. This is well known to every man who understands any-thing of the real state of
And, Gentlemen, if you believe that juries of Ireland began with the creation these measures would extinguish the of this Protestant hierarchy, which was fires, you will not, I am sure, suffer forced upon the people by every one of false pride to restrain you from the those means, which are known of in the performance of a duty so sacred. There catalogue of oppressions. From that is no remedy but that which goes to day to this day wrong and insult seem the root of the evil. That root is in to have contended with each other for the hearts of the people: you must ex- pre-eminence in the treatment of the tract the root or tear out the heart, or Irish people, who have never been disthe evil must remain. I meddle not loyal to the King any more than Cornin this case with the rate of wages, or wall or Devonshire has. with any other detail: restore the law; restore protection to the labourer, and he and his employer will speedily come to an equitable adjustment of their respective claims. If you have even a misgiving upon your minds upon the subject, disdain me, I pray you, as Ireland. There is something so un much as you please, but do not disdain natural; something so monstrous, the advice which I have respectfully something so insulting to the common tendered you, and which I press upon understanding of all mankind, in comyou with all the earnestness and anxiety pelling the people of a country to mainthat the heart of man is capable of en-tain, at prodigious expense, an establishtertaining. Thus, at any rate, I have ment called religious, and which that done what I deemed to be my duty to people in all sincerity and from the botyou I must now leave the matter; with tom of their souls regard as a damnable this assurance, however, that if you heresy, the sure leader to everlasting follow this advice, amongst all the perdition; there is something so insultmillions in whose hearts you will create ing to human nature in this, that the feelings of gratitude, in no one will you wonder is how one single man upon the face of the earth is to be found, not ashamed to utter a single breath in de fence of upholding such an establishment under such circumstances! Emancipation, indeed! How can men be said
create more than in that of
to be emancipated, if still living in sub-in favour of the measure of repeal. jection to this establishment? So con- When I have inserted these documents, vinced was I that the thing called I shall have some further remarks to emancipation would only give rise to a tender to my readers, whom, however, I new struggle to get rid of this monstrous beg to read these documents with the evil, that I petitioned the Parliament the greatest posible attention, they will then moment the bill was passed, in language understand the nature of the quarrel, and that must have convinced the two will easily be able to determine which Houses, that I was ready to go upon my of the two parties are in the wrong. bare knees to prevail upon them to save England as well as Ireland from the perils that must attend an attempt to perpetuate this establishment. Unhap"A PROCLAMATION. pily my supplications were unavailing; "ANGLESEY-Whereas, by an Act passed and now the perils really seem to be at in the 10th year of his late Majesty's reign, hand. The Irish people of whom Mr. entitled An Act for the Suppression of Dangerous Associations or Assemblies in Ireland,' O'Connell is no more than the faithful a power is vested in the Lord-Lieutenant, or organ, now demand a repeal of the other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, union, as the sure and ain means of by his or their proclamation or order, to prohibit or suppress the meeting of any associa getting rid of this enormous establishtion, assembly, or body of persons, in Irement. The Government are endeavour-land, which he or they shall deem to be daning to stifle the voice of the people. gerous to the public peace or safety, or inconThey have issued proclamation after sistent with the due administration of the law, proclamation having this object in view; tinued meeting of the same, or of any part or any adjourned, renewed, or otherwise con and at last they have proceeded to the thereof, under any name, pretext, or device use of force in order to disperse persons whatsoever. assembled to discuss the subject. I "And whereas it hath been made known know perfectly well how greatly Eng-been in the habit of meeting, weekly, at a to us that an assembly or body of persons has land as well as Ireland would be bene-place in the city of Dublin, called Holme's fited by a repeal of the union. I shall Hotel, Usher's-quay, and that the said asnow insert first one of the proclamations sembly has been designed, and the meetings recently issued in Dublin, signed by that thereof held, for the purpose of disseminating seditious sentiments, and of exciting amongst sensible, unassuming and high-blooded his Majesty's subjects disaffection against the Statesman, E. G. Stanley, who had the administration of the law, and the constituted refined taste, when he went to what he authorities of the realm: expected to be his re-election at Preston, the said assembly or body of persons, and the to make a display of his wit in a bon-meetings thereof, to be dangerous to the pubmot relative to Irish bulls, which he has lic safety, and inconsistent with the due adfound to be provided with horns as well ministration of the law. as with tongues. The next document is a speech of Mr. O'Connell's upon the subject of that proclamation; and it is
"And whereas we deem the existence of
"We, therefore, the Lord Lieutenaut. General and General Governor of Ireland,
being resolved to suppress the same, do hereby prohibit the meeting of the said asone of the best that even he ever de-sembly or body of persons, and all adjourned, livered. renewed, or otherwise continued meetings of the same, or of any part thereof, under any name, pretext, or device whatsoever; and being determined and resolved strictly to enforce the law and penalties thereof against all persons offending in the premises, do charge and command all Mayors, Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and all other Magistrates, officers, and others whom it may concern, to be aiding and assisting in the execution of the law iu preventing the meeting of said assembly or body of persons, and all adjourned, renewed, or otherwise continued meetings of the same, or any part thereof, and in the effectual disper sion and suppression thereof, and in the detec
Next comes another proclamation from E. G. Stanley, acting under the authority of the profound Lord Lieutenant, and this is followed by two proclamations from Mr. O'Connell, but then follows an account of the forcible dispersion of the people; and last comes a short extract or two from the Irish papers, which will prove to every reader that all Ireland except those who profit from the tithes and the taxes are
"By the Lord-Lieutenant-General and Gene
ral-Governor of Ireland,
"By his Excellency's command,
tion and prosecution of those who, after this | Instead of doing us mischief, it has only served notice, shall offend in the respects aforesaid. to stimulate men to double energy, and it has "Given at his Majesty's Castle of Dublin, roused to exertion those who before were this 10th day of January, 1831. apathetic. I have met, in the course of this day, twenty individuals who before had not taken part in politics, and have declared themselves decided friends to a repeal of the Union. I also see in this room, at this very REPEAL OF THE UNION-ANTI-PRO-take a part in agitation. (Hear.) I perceive, moment, men whom I never knew before to too, that in Orangemen and Protestants, their blood boils with still greater indignation than even mine does, at the issuing of this proclamation. They detest, even still more than I do, any attempt at gagging the public voice and popular sentiment. (Hear.) 1 received this day, what I should never like to get, an anoymous letter, advising that Mr. Home should petition Parliament. I do not advise him to do so; though I think he should try an action with E. G. Stanley, for depriving him of 10%. a week, which he had clear out of the breakfast. (Cheers and laughter.) I purpose, gentlemen, to give three toasts, and I think we should confine ourselves to three :
YESTERDAY evening, in consequence of an advertisement from Mr. O'Connell, calling upon his friends to meet him, at six o'clock, in Hayes's Taveru, Dawson-street, there were, long before six o'clock, upwards of three bun dred applicants for tickets; but the rooms not being capable of accommodating more than half that number, one hundred and fifty sat down to dinner. A good substantial repast was provided for the company; as usual, the Government reporters were in attendance.
the first, "The People;" the second, "The King" and the third, "The Repeal of the Union." (Cheers.) After that, auy gentleman in whose face I see a speech, I will call upon him to make one by drinking his health. (Cheers and laughter.) The first toast, geutlemen, then, that I propose to you is, "The People"-it is with a proud and bounding heart I propose it to you, because the rights and the cause of the people have been triumphant over the world. (Cheers.) In America they have succeeded in establishing free institutions and cheap governmentsHeaven bless them for it! In South America aud on the continent, liberty has been triumphant over bigotry and despotism. In Ireland, we are still struggling to obtain liberty and constitutional independence for the people
Mr. O'CONNELL, immediately upon the cloth being removed, rose to address the assembly, amid the most enthusiastic cheers. As we have, said he, met for business, and not for the mere purpose of amusement, the sooner, I think, we proceed with the business, the better. You all know that we are assembled here in consequence of another exceedingly foolish exhibition of power. It is idle to suppose that the exercise of that power can be injurious to the popular cause, much less is it probable that such proceedings can convince the people that it is best for Ireland to have a government uncontrolled by an Irish Parliament-that they should be at the mercy of a British Minister, and without the shield of an Irish Parliament to protect their rights and guard their liberties. (Hear, hear.) Every additional Proclamation can have but this effect-to increase our exertions, to redouble our energies, aud to add to our desire to attain that which can alone be the salvation of Ireland-the Repeal of the Union. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) In point of fact, can anything be more foolish than these prolamations? Do they imagine, that by preventing us from assembling at one place they can hinder us from meeting somewhere else? All they can do by their last proclamation is to prevent us from breakfasting at Home's. We may, for instance, meet here to-morrow and breakfast; if they proclaim us down here, we can go to another tavern; then we have all the public-houses to go to, and, after that, we can have the private houses. (Cheers and laughter.) My two drawing-rooms are as large as these rooms. Some of my independ-"sword speech," upon which I was then ent and particular friends can meet me there; obliged to comment at some length. That and I shall be extremely happy that my speech, however, was an exceedingly awkfriends, the reporters, will also come there to ward one at the time. Why did he then breakfast with me. (Cheers and laughter.) speak of the sword? But he had the good If they should issue a proclamation against fortune to come to Ireland at a lucky period, my house, then we have five thousand other and he had common sense enough to bend to the houses in Dublin, which will do equally well. circumstances by which he was surrounded. (Hear, and cheers.) In my opinion, then, Swift, in his Instructions to Servants, says the proclamation is as foolish as it is absurd. to them, "If you could once be so lucky
to see our Parliament restored to us, and our country enjoying all those blessings which nature and nature's God intended for her. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is melancholy now for me to look upon the wreck of the Marquess of Anglesey's character. I cannot look upon the prostration of that character without some feelings of affectionate solicitude for one who, had hoped, would never have thus lowered himself. There is but one bright spot about him as a politician-he has been lucky once, by accident; and having then acted well, I should wish him never to act ill. Up to that period, however, he was not a very consistent politician. I recollect, in 1825, his
as to be right, and your master in the wrong, pap, it should not give us bad words, and this you would make out a pretty livelihood on it is a fostering Government. (Cheers.) But for the remainder of your existence. When this fostering Goverumeut is anxious for our ever you committed a second error, you could prosperity. They may pray for it, and I say to him, 'Oh, Sir, do you recollect how therefore will not dispute with them about wrong you were at one time?'" (Laughter.) their anxiety. I dare say they are anxious. Thus it is with Lord Anglesey. He is like (Hear!) He then says his Government " is the truant servant, and being once right, he incessantly occupied with the care of correctbas, he thinks, a privilege to be for ever ing abuses." What abuses? (Hear!) If wrong. Now I will allow for his being once they have been incessantly engaged in corright the commission of two errors, and will recting them, I should be glad to know what have a balance-sheet of Proclamations against is the single abuse they have corrected, touched him. (Cheers and laughter.) He has, I upon, or even pointed out? What have they think, taken an exceedingly wrong course. even said they are going to do with the repeal What right, I would ask, has he to vitu- of the Subletting Act-that act which the last perate and abuse us, or why should he travel | Government was going to amend by making beyond the matter of his Proclamation to it worse! What have they doue with the heap censure upon us? It is too bad that he Vestry Bill? What with the abuses of the should be abusing us, and praising himself Grand Jury Laws? What have they said for nothing. (Cheers and laughter.) Wheu about opening the Corporations, and destroythe weavers thought of presenting him an ing the monopoly that now exists in them? address, some of them asked me my opinion But are they, above all things, assailing that about the propriety of doing so; I told them master abuse-the enormous temporalities of that I thought they would obtain but little the Established Church? (Hear, hear.) Are from it, except hearing some of their best they going to put a tax of 75 per cent. upon friends abused! However, said I to them, absentees? or have they even promised to take care that there be nothing reprobatory revive the statute that was formerly passed of the repeal of the Union introduced into against them? (Hear.) What are they going your address. "Never fear, Sir," said one of to do with the police? Where have they spoken them to me, 66 we understand the thing well, even of a reform of the Law Courts? (Hear, and will attend to it." (Cheers.) But, said hear.) No he does not say one word of I to them, throw in as much fulsome flattery correcting one of those abuses; but he praises as your conscience will allow you, and your himself, and issues his proclamations, while stomachs can bear. (Laughter.) When you the letter to Mr. Kertland is still fresh before set about it, praise him as much as you like, him, in which he declared that he would and, depend upon it, you cannot praise him allow fair and full discussion. (Hear, and as much as he wishes; and whatever you be cheers.) If this be a fostering Government. deficient in, you may depend on it he will and incessautly engaged in correcting abuses, make it up in praising himself. (Cheers aud I ask what is the abuse they have corrected— laughter.) I was right in my estimate of what is it, where is it, when have they corthe gallant Marquess; and now mark what rected it? (Hear, and cheers.) He then he says of himself and his government- says his fostering Government is amending "While," he 66 says, a fostering government the laws-what laws have they amended? is anxious for its (Ireland's) prosperity, is No-I can only find him issuing proclamaincessantly occupied with the care of correct- tions, and assailing us in language which ing abuses, of amending laws, and devising should not have been put into any public documeans for general improvement, other par- ment that comes from the Representative of ties, as if to counteract those salutary mea- Majesty-listen to his address" other parties sures, are perseveringly and mischievously as if to counteract these salutary measures putting forward fresh pretexts for agitation.' "what measures?" are perseveringly and What is the first thing he says of his mischievously putting forward fresh pretexts government ? That it is a fostering for agitation." Fresh pretexts for agitation! Government." A fostering Government! Oh! then the old agitation was a pretext What does it foster, barring Jack Dogherty, also. (Hear.) I understand you, Marquess whom it has fostered until he is a fiue, fat, of Anglesey; it was Emancipation that filled plump chap enough. (Laughter.) "A fos- the sails of your political character with the tering Government!" If he had said a pro- favouring winds of popular applause; but clamation Government-if he had said a that now has become stale. (Hear, hear, and scolding Government-if he had said au cheers.) I have always told the Marquess of abusive Government, then I could easily Anglesey, both in public and in private, that understand him. (Laughter and cheers.) I looked for Emancipation, not because it wish there was some one amongst us who had would be a triumph over Orangemen or Proa talent for caricaturing, and would draw a testants, but that I and my Catholic countrylikeness of the Marquess of Anglesey as "a men might grasp the right hand of friendship fostering government," with Paddy Mahony with them. (Cheers.) It was, that by being pulling out of oue dug, and Paddy Murphy on terms of equality with each other we might dragging away at the other. (Loud laughter.) combine and struggle for the happiness and What does it foster? If it does not give us independence of our common country. (Hear,