Edw.VI. particularly the caftle of Broughty, near the Tay's mouth, 1547. where he left a garrison of two hundred men. A few days after, he came within fight of the Scotch army, thirty thouBuchanan. fand ftrong, with thirty pieces of cannon, who expected him on the field of Pinkey near Muffelburgh. Burnet. peace to the regent of Strype. He offers a The duke of Somerfet, as I faid, had undertaken the war rejected. The difpofi two armies. The two armies were parted by the river Efke. The tion of the English were encamped about two miles on the fouth fide, and the Scots along the banks, on the north. So if the Scots Hollingh. had been willing to avoid a battle, probably the English Patten. Hayward. would never have attempted to pafs the river in their fight. * Brochty-Crag, a fort in the county of Angus. Camden. Hollinfhead fays, it was not taken till September 21. p. 990. Edw. Journ, fays, it was after the battle. y So Buchanan fays, 1. xv. But in king Edward's journal it is faid, that it confifted of thirty fix thousand men at leaft, p. 5. paffed Hayward. paffed the river, and poffeffed themselves of that poft. The Edw. VI. protector having miffed his aim, marched to the right to 1547. wards the fea, in order to encamp on a little hill not far from the river. This march made the Scots imagine he was ap- The protecproaching the fea, to put his ordnance and baggage on board tor's march. the fleet which was entered the Frith, that he might retreat the more easily. The whole Scotch army were fo poffeffed with this notion, that they confidered the English as already vanquished by fear. Mean while the protector had pofted himself on the hill, and made fome intrenchments before his camp. This confirmed the Scots in their opinion, that it was only a feint in order to retire in the night. So, refolving to hinder the English from executing this imaginary defign, they advanced in good order to join battle. The moment the protector had received intelligence of their march, he drew up his army, part on the hill and part on the plain, and expected them without ftirring. He had placed his artillery in an advantageous place that commanded the whole plain, and on the other fide, his fleet was near enough to fire upon the enemy in flank. Nay, there was a galliot, which being lighter than the reft of the hips, Holling. came very near the land and extremely annoyed the Scotch Hayward. army z by the Eng Hayward. It was on the 10th of September that the two armies en- Battle of gaged. I fhall not relate the particulars of the battle. Be- Pinkey won fides that the hiftorians agree not in the principal circum- lih. ftances, there are but few capable of giving a just account of Patten. what paffes on thefe occafions, and of pointing out the chief Hollingh." causes of the gain or lofs of a battle. It belongs only to ge- Buchanan. nerals themselves to be good hiftorians on fuch fubjects. I Burnet. shall content myself therefore with reciting the fuccefs of this action. After a very obftinate fight, the Scots were routed, Lofs on the leaving fourteen thousand dead on the place and fifteen fide of the hundred prisoners in the hands of the English, of whom eight Hollingsh hundred were gentlemen. Scots. Hayward. Scotland. This great lofs threw all Scotland into the utmost confter- Great connation. The regent and the queen after garrifoning the fternation in caftle of Edinburgh, retired to Sterling with the remains of Hollingfh. their army, abandoning thus the frontiers to the ravages of Hayward. the English. A few days after the protector took Leith, Buchanan. and the English fleet commanded by the lord Clinton burnt feveral fea-port towns in the county of Fife, with all the fhips in their harbours. Then the English army marched to z It flew the master of Grahme, and twenty others near him. Hollingsh F. 984. C 3 Edin Burnet. The protec Edw. VI. Edinburgh, and entering without oppofition, plundered the 1547. city. Such a terror feized all Scotland, that if the protector had improved his fuccefs, by befieging the caftle of Edinburgh, it is hardly to be doubted, he would have forced the regent to relinquish the young queen, or fubdued the kingdom but affairs which concerned him in particular, made tor in proves him relinquifh his enterprize, juft as he was going to reap the not his vic- fruits of his victory. Whilft he was employed in Scotland, his brother the admiral caballed against him in England, and had now made fuch progrefs that the protector was upon the point of being ruined, at the very time he was caufing the king's arms to triumph. The advice he received made him think he could not too fpeedily return to court, in order to break his brother's measures. This was the real motive of his hafty return, which however was coloured with other pretences. tory. He returns The 18th of September he departed for England, having to England. employed but fixteen days in his expedition from his entrance Hollingh. into Scotland, and if we may believe the English writers, loft but fixty-two men in all. In his return, he marched through the counties of March and Tiviotdale, and leaving a garrison in the caftle of Hume, ordered Roxborough to be repaired, where he left fir Ralph Palmer governor. Burnet. bles envy him. Burnet. The people The protector's glorious campaign in Scotland put the praife him, nation in mind of feveral noble actions performed by him in and the no- the late reign. This gained him great applaufe from the people, but withal the envy of the nobles, who, if fir John Hayward is to be credited, had no great efteem for him. This contract between the nobles and people was very prejudicial to him. It induced him to rely too much on the people's favour, and to raise himfelf above the rest of the nobles, both by an external pomp, and by affuming the fole adminiftration of affairs. As by the king's patent, he was not obliged to follow the advice of the council, he generally confulted only his creatures, and neglected the reft as if there were no fuch men. This behaviour feemed at firft a little ftrange in one, who, very far from being naturally proud and haughty, was rather humble, modeft, and civil. No other reafon can be given, but his great zeal to promote the reformaThis was doubtlefs what made him think it neceffary to remove from the administration those who were not led by a Uader fixty fays, Hayward, p. 287. But Buchanan affirms, that the English lot about two hundred horfe in the first charge, 1. xv. b The mayor and aldermen of London went out to meet him in Finsbury field, on October 8, when he returned to that city. Hollingshead, p. 992. the the the fame zeal as himself, in order to leffen the oppofition as Edw. VI. much as poffible. Befides, he had paffed the beft part of his 1547life in the court of Henry VIII. where he had feen the authority-royal carried to the greatest height; and as Henry had fucceeded by the way of rigour, he deemed it requifite to folma low much the fame maxims. The reformation was certainly the fole object the protector had in view, and all his proceedanings in the publick affairs both foreign and domeftick, tended properly to that point. The commiffioners appointed to vifit the churches, having Bonner and Gardiner are made their report, it was found that all the bishops had fent to pricomplied with the orders of the council, except Bonner of fon. London, and Gardiner of Winchefter. Thefe had given an advantage against themselves, not only by direct oppofition Strype. but by cavils, which plainly showed how averfe they were to all reformation. They infifted chiefly upon the forementioned maxim, that it was not lawful to make any alterations in religion during the king's minority. As this principle might have had pernicious confequences with refpect to the government, it was made a pretence to fend them to prifon, notwithstanding their feeming, but very equivocal, fubmiffion. The truth is, as feveral acts in favour of the reformation were intended to be paffed in the next parliament, which was fummoned to meet the 4th of November, the reformers were very glad to be freed from the troublefome oppofition of these two prelates. The princefs Mary was alfo difpleafed with the The princess inftructions given to the vifitors, and with the defign of ad- Mary com plains of the vancing the reformation. She writ upon this occafion to the fteps which protector, expreffing her dislike of all the changes which were are making making, and of those which were defigned to be made during in the refor the king's minority. The protector fent her a very strong Burnet. anfwer, and did not think himself obliged to conform to Strype. her fentiments. mation. Burnet. Some days before the parliament met, the lord Rich was Rich is made made chancellor d. The 3d of November, the day before chancellor. the opening of the parliament, the protector, by a patent A. Pub. under the great feal, was warranted to fit in parliament on xv. p. 164. the right hand of the throne, under the cloth of ftaté, whether the king was prefent or not, and moreover was to have all the honours, privileges, and prerogatives that any of the uncles of the kings of England, or any protectors had ever e To the Fleet. Burnet, p. 37. Gardiner was imprisoned, June 31, and releafed about the end of the year. Strype, P. 68. d His patent bears date, November 30. See Burnet, tom. iii. Collect. p. 405. C 4 enjoyed, Edw. VI. enjoyed, with a Non-obftante to the ftatute of precedence. 1547. This proceeding was a clear evidence that the duke of Somerfet's intention was not only to be fuperior to all, but even to deftroy by degrees the very remembrance of the form of government established by Henry VIII. Though he had not forgot to cause the patent to be approved by the council before it was fealed, that was not fufficient to justify him entirely. It was well known the king did nothing but by his direction that the council was at his command, and that it would have been very dangerous for the counsellors, directly to oppose a patent which concerned him in particular. Parliament. Burnet. Remark on this parlia ment. The parliament being met the 4th of November, paffed Journ. Par. feveral material acts relating fome to the ftate, and others to religion. It is very certain, the number of those who defired a reformation was very great in the kingdom. However, it must not be imagined that then, any more than at this day, whatever the parliament did was agreeable to the general opinion of the nation. The reprefentatives of the commons were chofen, as they are at prefent, without any inftructions concerning the points to be debated in parliament, nay, without the people's knowing any thing of them. Thus, the house of commons had, as I may fay, an unlimited power to determine by a majority of votes, with the concurrence of the lords and affent of the king, what they deemed proper for the welfare of the kingdom. There was no neceffity therefore, in order to obtain what the court defired, of hav ing the universal confent of the people, but only the majority of the voices in both houses. Hence it is eafy to conceive, that the court used all imaginable means to cause such members to be elected as were in their fentiments. This is now, and ever will be, practifed till fome cure is found for this inconvenience. I call it inconvenience, because it happens fometimes that the parliament paffes acts contrary to the general opinion of the nation. Of this one may be eafily convinced, by what paffed in the parliaments held under Edward VI. and queen Mary his fifter. In the reign of Edward, popery was entirely rooted out, and under Mary it was wholly replanted. In one or other of thefe reigns, therefore, the parliament must have acted contrary to the opinion of the people, fince it is not poffible to believe, that a whole nation fhould have thus changed, in an inftant, from white to black, don't pretend, by this remark, to weaken the proceedings of Edward VI's parliament in favour of the reformation; what I advance is levelled as much againft that of queen Mary, as against this. My defign is only to observe, that the deter mination |