34 ON POLITICAL UNIONS. Nov. 1831. King's authority as there would be to the illegitimate training to arms of those belonging to political unions. The difference would be as follows:-First, these corps would be formed according to law, by the lawful exercise of the authority of the country, subject only to the control of Parliament. Secondly, the officers of these corps, formed by the King's command, would be named by the King's local lieutenants with the King's consent. The King's lieutenants would be responsible for the conduct of these officers. Thirdly, the law points out the mode in which these corps must be governed. Their officers and the King's lieutenants, and, above all, the King's ministers, would be responsible for their conduct. Fourthly, the exercise of the King's authority in forming, in calling out, and in using the services of these corps, would be liable to be questioned and controlled in Parliament. Nobody would be responsible for the conduct of a political union trained to arms and in arms. It will be a military force of its own creation; a monster under this constitution of government for whose acts nobody can be questioned, and nobody will be responsible. It must be suppressed and disarmed by some other military force, or its authority must be submitted to. No other course can be pursued. But it may be contended that an augmented formation of these local military corps by the King's command would be too expensive the ordinary expense of these corps as now regulated does not amount, even for yeomanry cavalry, to twopence a day for each individual enrolled. Does any man believe that any self-constituted, self-armed body would cost less, or even so little ? The regulations for its expenditure would be its own act; the limits of its wants and of its demands upon the population at large would depend upon its own will and pleasure. When once its authority is established and submitted to, nobody can doubt that those limits will be commensurate with the means which the population may possess of supplying those wants and of satisfying those demands. If we intend then to pass our lives in a state of freedom and peace under the government and protection of a monarch, we must cling to the well-known principles of our laws and Constitution. WELLINGTON. Nov. 1831. APPREHENDED DISTURBANCES AT EXETER. 35 The Bishop of Exeter to Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington. MY LORD DUKE, Exeter, 5th November, 1831. This place, I am sorry to say, is suffering from its vicinity to Bristol. Many of the miscreants who have escaped from the dragoons there are now here, and, joined to the dregs of this large population, exemplarily loyal as in the main it is, are exciting great alarm for the public peace. The most inflammatory bills have been freely circulated, calling on the populace to "arm themselves, and imitate the heroic acts of the Bristol men to put down the bloody usurpers," &c. As this day is always a day of licence it has been fixed upon for serious mischief. I am in hopes, however, that the preparations for resistance are such as to ensure the security of persons and property. I am myself especially threatened, and my house. But a threatened outrage rarely takes place, and I have taken such precautions as leave me nothing to apprehend for myself or my family. I trouble your Grace with a letter, because I know your kindness would make you feel interested for me if the newspapers shall announce the expectation of mischief. I have also another reason-your Grace will, of course, be desirous to know the state of the county in every quarter, and it is the duty of all to assist in informing you. There are strong indications of an expectation, if not of an actual plan, of insurrection against property among the lowest orders. This detestable Reform Bill has raised their hopes to the utmost. One of the papers dispersed in this place, headed "The King and Reform," invites the people to destroy the enemy, telling them that "the price of provisions depends upon it." The effect is such, that almost all the artisans are in full hopes of an equalization of property, and hardly disguise their hopes. The principal iron manufacturer in this city (which is not a manufacturing place) told me to-day, that all his men, 100 in number, for the first time in his experience, refused to be sworn as special constables: they told him that "they could not lose by a change." Yet some of these fellows earn a guinea and a half per week-many, I believe most of them, a guinea. The principal builder in the place has met with a similar refusal. At Plymouth and the neighbouring towns, including a population of more than 100,000, the spirit is tremendously bad. The shopkeepers are almost all Dissenters, and such is the rage on the question of Reform at Plymouth, that I have received from several quarters (the soberest and most respectable) the most earnest entreaties that I will not come there to consecrate a church, as I had engaged to do. They assure me that my own person, and the security of the public peace, would be in the greatest danger. Yet in my diocese generally—and I believe with the sole exception of Plymouth-I enjoy a very high degree of popular favour. I say this, your Grace will believe me, not from vanity, but because it is an ingredient in the case. Sunday morning. The night has gone off with little more excitement than is, I understand, usual on the 5th of November. As the populace has always been suffered to burn Guy Fawkes and the Pope, the magistrates very judiciously resolved not to interfere with their usual sport, and not to be inquisitive *The Right Rev. Henry Phillpotts, D.D. 36 ANTI-REFORM FEELING AT ABERDEEN. Nov. 1831. as to the additional figures they might choose to burn. This was communicated to me for my opinion, it being known that an effigy of myself, as well as of Lord Rolle, &c. had been prepared. I entirely concurred in the view taken by them; and expressed my wish that the burning should take place, for it seemed to me quite plain, that it was much better the effigies, as they were prepared, should be got rid of, else the peace would be endangered on some other night, when the authorities were less ready to meet the mischief. I mention this circumstance, that your Grace may not suppose, if you see any report of these matters in the newspapers, that it was weakness on the part of the magistracy which caused this illegal sport. On the whole, the moral result of the intended mischief in this place is, I hope, very good. Though there were no regular troops at hand, the magistrates were able to prove their power at all times to collect force enough to put down the attempts of the mob. It is a grievous reflection that a few demagogues, Lord at the head, have been able to pervert the feelings of a numerous portion of this county, which was, and I hope still is, essentially loyal. The farmers in several quarters have given strong indications of a return to common sense, and a dread of the Reform Bill. I find that, individually, I stand the better with all here, except the mob, for my conduct on this question in Parliament. I am, my Lord Duke, with the greatest respect, your Grace's most obliged and most faithful servant, H. EXETER. The Earl of Aberdeen to Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington. MY DEAR DUke, Haddo, Aberdeen, 5th November, 1831. I send you a letter which I have received from the writer of several papers which you have seen, on the subject of the periodical press. I believe him to be correct in his general view and estimate of the tremendous power of this instrument,-a power of which we now experience the effect in the government of this country: I send the letter, not from supposing that any practical measures can be adopted in consequence, but from thinking that it may be as properly addressed to you as to myself. On my road here, I neither saw nor heard anything of Reform. In this part of the country the people are not only indifferent, but decidedly opposed to it; and I would readily engage to produce a petition, signed by three-fourths of the farmers who are to have votes, against the bill. Such is the case in this and the adjoining county. My own tenantry, who are a numerous body of near nine hundred, have made the most unusual demonstrations of satisfaction and good-will. Even in the town of Aberdeen they are beginning to get tired of the question; for the last meeting gave evidence of increasing indifference. It was not attended by twenty persons who would have votes as ten-pound householders, although four or five thousand of the populace were present. In fact, these are the persons whom the Reform question has brought into action throughout the country; and we have yet to learn the irresistible power of a government which takes the lead in the work of destruction. Governments have hitherto found it sufficiently difficult successfully to oppose subversive attacks; but if such should be the character of the measures of the government itself, never mentioned Poz whom he abused a good dee whom he mentioned. Et appast 1, 2 that is, of Henry V.; for he set VLLA TEKKE to see it, but thosts a ponte reason for his desiring to inaar: as that which had core m many things to you of LA PROGATE B expressed on your part. 36 ANTI-REFORM FEELING AT ABERDEEN. Nov. 1831. as to the additional figures they might choose to burn. This was communicated to me for my opinion, it being known that an effigy of myself, as well as of Lord Rolle, &c. had been prepared. I entirely concurred in the view taken by them; and expressed my wish that the burning should take place, for it seemed to me quite plain, that it was much better the effigies, as they were prepared, should be got rid of, else the peace would be endangered on some other night, when the authorities were less ready to meet the mischief. I mention this circumstance, that your Grace may not suppose, if you see any report of these matters in the newspapers, that it was weakness on the part of the magistracy which caused this illegal sport. On the whole, the moral result of the intended mischief in this place is, I hope, very good. Though there were no regular troops at hand, the magistrates were able to prove their power at all times to collect force enough to put down the attempts of the mob. It is a grievous reflection that a few demagogues, Lord at the head, have been able to pervert the feelings of a numerous portion of this county, which was, and I hope still is, essentially loyal. The farmers in several quarters have given strong indications of a return to common sense, and a dread of the Reform Bill. I find that, individually, I stand the better with all here, except the mob, for my conduct on this question in Parliament. I am, my Lord Duke, with the greatest respect, your Grace's most obliged and most faithful servant, H. EXETER. The Earl of Aberdeen to Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington. MY DEAR DUKE, Haddo, Aberdeen, 5th November, 1831. I send you a letter which I have received from the writer of several papers which you have seen, on the subject of the periodical press. I believe him to be correct in his general view and estimate of the tremendous power of this instrument,―a power of which we now experience the effect in the government of this country: I send the letter, not from supposing that any practical measures can be adopted in consequence, but from thinking that it may be as properly addressed to you as to myself. On my road here, I neither saw nor heard anything of Reform. In this part of the country the people are not only indifferent, but decidedly opposed to it; and I would readily engage to produce a petition, signed by three-fourths of the farmers who are to have votes, against the bill. Such is the case in this and the adjoining county. My own tenantry, who are a numerous body of near nine hundred, have made the most unusual demonstrations of satisfaction and good-will. Even in the town of Aberdeen they are beginning to get tired of the question; for the last meeting gave evidence of increasing indifference. It was not attended by twenty persons who would have votes as ten-pound householders, although four or five thousand of the populace were present. In fact, these are the persons whom the Reform question has brought into action throughout the country; and we have yet to learn the irresistible power of a government which takes the lead in the work of destruction. Governments have hitherto found it sufficiently difficult successfully to oppose subversive attacks; but if such should be the character of the measures of the government itself, |