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qualities clearly proved to be pernicious, nor withhold it from actions, which are shown to be undeniably calculated for their welfare.

The subject has never yet, as far as the author knows, been systematically treated in the point of view here described. Locke, indeed, in his Conduct of the Understanding, has thrown out excellent remarks on some of the topics which it embraces; and this treatise which cannot be too warmly recommended, breathes an admirable spirit of right feeling and sound judgment, in relation to the pursuit of truth. Malebranche, too, in his celebrated work, De la Recherche de la Verité, abounds with instructive observations, encumbered nevertheless with antiquated matter and exploded doctrines, through which few in the present day will venture to toil. Neither of these distinguished writers, however, looked at the subject in the particular light in which it is the object of the following pages to place it; and even if they had, the lapse of a century and a half may be presumed to have brought us into a more favourable position for viewing it in its most impor tant relations.—Essays on the Pursuit of Truth.—Introduction.

239. Laws. Most of the laws of society are positive regulations, not taught by nature. Indeed, such only are applicable to the subject now in question. For ignorantia legis can have reference only to laws arising out of society, in which our natural feelings have no concern; and where a man is ignorant of such a law, he is in the same situation as if the law did not exist. To read it to him from the tribunal, where he stands arraigned for the breach of it, is to him precisely the same thing as it would be to originate it at the time by the same tribunal, for the express purpose of his condemnation. The law till then, as relative to him, is not in being. He is therefore in the same predicament that the society in general would be, under the operation of an ex-post facto law. Hence we ought to conclude that, as it seems difficult for a government to dispense with the maxim abovementioned, a free people ought, in their declaration of rights, to provide for universal public instruction. If they neglect to do this, and mean to avoid the absurdity of a self-destroying policy, by adhering to a system of justice which would preserve a dignity and inspire a confidence worthy the name of liberty, they ought to reject the maxim altogether; and insert in their de claration of rights, that instruction alone can constitute a duty; and that laws can enforce no obedience, but where they are explained. Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders

240. National Character.-That modes of government have much more to do with the formation of national character, than soils, suns, and climates, is sufficiently evident from the present state of Greece and Rome, compared with the ancient. Give these nations back their former governments, and all their national energies would return, and enable them to accommodate themselves to any conceivable change of climate; but no conceivable change of climate would enable them to recover their former energies. The Rev. C. C. Colton.

241. Titles and Mottoes to Books are like escutcheons and dignities in the hands of a king. The wise sometimes condescend to accept of them; but none but a fool would imagine them of any real importance. We ought to depend upon intrinsic merit, and not the slender helps of the title. Goldsmith.

242. Life a Cheat.

When I consider life, 'tis all a cheat:

Yet, fool'd with hope, men favour the deceit;
Trust on, and think to-morrow will repay;
To-morrow's falser than the former day;

Lies more, and while it says we shall be bless'd
With some new joys, cuts off what we possess'd:
Strange cozenage! none would live past years again;
Yet all hope pleasure in what yet remain:
And from the dregs of life think to receive
What the first sprightly running could not give.
I'm tired with waiting for this chymic gold,
Which fools us young and beggars us when old.

Dryden.

243. The Philosopher and the Poet.-The philosopher teacheth, but he teacheth obscurely, so as the learned only can understand him; that is to say he teacheth them that are already taught. But the poet is the food for the tender stomachs; the poet is, indeed, the right popular philosopher.

244. Talking.-It has been said in praise of some men, that they could talk whole hours together upon any thing; but it must be owned to the honour of the other sex, that there are many among them who can talk whole hours together upon nothing. I have known a woman branch out into a long extempore dissertation on the edging of a petticoat, and chide her servant for breaking a china cup, in all the figures of rhetoric.-Addison.

245. Change of Employment.-Both body and mind are relieved by change of pursuit; and, business, by the alternation of employment, may be made to answer all the purposes of recreation. In this way a Charlemagne, a Napoleon, a Brougham, and other public characters, have been enabled to accomplish such prodigies of labour. It is refreshing to pass from the monotony and stillness of a bureau to the bustle and variety of a review, an audience, a court of law. A London merchant will spend the morning at his desk, mid-day on 'Change, then dine, and return in the eve ning with unabated vigour to posting his books, answering correspondents, or concocting a new bargain.

History of the Middle and Working Classes.

246. Knowledge. I envy no man that knows more than myself, but pity them that know less.-Sir T. Brown.

247. On Opinions. Every one must, of course, think his own opinions right; for if he thought them wrong, they would no longer be his opinions : but there is a wide difference between regarding ourselves as infallible, and being firmly convinced of the truth of our creed. When a man reflects on any particular doctrine, he may be impressed with a thorough conviction of the improbability or even impossibility of its being false; and so he may feel with regard to all his other opinions, when he makes them objects of separate contemplation. And yet, when he views them in the aggregate, when he reflects, that not a single being on the earth holds collectively the same, when he looks at the past history and present state of mankind, and observes the various creeds of different ages and nations, the peculiar modes of thinking of sects, and bodies, and individuals, the notions once firmly -held, which have been exploded, the prejudices once universally prevalent, which have been removed, and the endless controversies, which have distracted those who have made it the business of their lives to arrive at the truth; and when he further dwells on the consideration, that many of these his fellow creatures have had a conviction of the justness of their respective sentiments equal to his own, he cannot help the obvious inference, that in his own opinions it is next to impossible that there is not an admixture of error; that there is an infinitely greater probability of his being wrong in some than right in all.

Essays on the Formation and Publication of Opinions.

248. Criminal Jurisprudence.-Every society, considered in itself as a moral and physical entity, has the undoubted faculty of self-preservation. It is an independent being; and, towards other beings in like circumstances of independence, it has a right to use this faculty of defending itself, without previous notice to the party; or without the observance of any duty, but that of abstaining from offensive operations. But when it acts towards the members of its own family, towards those dependent and defenceless beings that make part of itself, the right of coercion is preceded by the duty of instruction. It may be safely pronounced, that a state has no right to punish a man, to whom it has given no previous instruction; and consequently, any person has a right to do any action, unless he has been informed that it has an evil tendency. It is true, that as relative to particular cases, the having given this information is a thing that the society must sometimes presume, and is not always obliged to prove. But these cases are rare, and ought never to form a general rule. This presumption has however passed into a general rule, and is adopted as universal practice. With what justice or propriety it is so adopted, a very little reflection will enable us to decide.-Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders.

249. Relations take the greatest liberties, and give the least assistance. If a stranger cannot help us with his purse, he will not insult us with his comments; but with relations, it mostly happens, that they are the veriest misers with regard to their property but perfect prodigals in the article of advice.—The Rev. C, C. Colton.

250. Tendency of Political Changes.-Already great changes have taken place, as any one will own who is at all conversant with the history of the past. Greater are in embryo. The blind veneration for rank, the feudal feeling, is obviously on the decline, and it is probable that it will be nearly extirpated in the course of ages. The tendency of political change is now evidently to republicanism; and it is not unlikely that the existing governments of Europe will gradually approximate to the form adopted in the United States of America. That form is at present unsuitable to the feelings and habits of Europeans, which still retain a strong tinge of the spirit of the middle ages. There are certain principles, however, which are making daily advances, and which in proportion as they subvert the ancient spirit of hereditary attachment, will render it unnecessary and substitute a better in its place. Such are the principles-that government is for the benefit of the whole community; that to ensure the attainment of this end, the will of the majority ought to prevail; that to secure the benefits of government, the people must strictly conform to the regulations which they themselves have imposed; and the corollaries flowing from these propositions. Changes of this kind must not be expected too soon. We may alter on a sudden the forms of polity, but we cannot suddenly transform the spirits of men. This is the effect of time, or what is meant by that phrase, of innumerable successive circumstances, and it cannot be either much accelerated or much retarded. The slow progress of mankind is here more apparent than anywhere.

Essays on the Pursuit of Truth, &c.

251. Pleasure.-A man that knows how to mix pleasures with business, is never entirely possessed by them; he either quits or resumes them at his will; and in the use he makes of them, he rather finds a relaxation of mind, than a dangerous charm that might corrupt him.-St. Evremond.

252. State of the Mind.-It has been well observed, that the tongue discovers the state of the mind, no less than that of the body; but, in either case, before the philosopher or the physician can judge, the patient must open his mouth. Some men envelope themselves in such an impenetrable cloke of silence, that the tongue will afford us no symptoms of the temperament of the mind. Such taciturnity, indeed, is wise if they are fools, but foolish if they are wise, and the only method to form a judgment of these mutes, is narrowly to observe when, where, and how they smile. It shows much more stupidity to be grave at a good thing, than to be merry at a bad one; and of all ignorance, that which is silent, is the least productive, for praters may suggest an idea, if they cannot start one.

The Rev. C. C. Colton.

253. Leisure is time for doing something useful: this leisure the diligent man will obtain, but the lazy man never; so that, as poor Richard says, A life of leisure and a life of laziness are two things,

Franklin

254. Why Honor is selected for the support of the Military System.-Honor, like religion, is an original, indelible sentiment of the mind, an indispensable ingredient in our nature. But its object is incapable of precise definition; and consequently, though given us in aid of the more definable feelings of morality, it is capable of total perversion, of losing sight of its own original nature, and still retaining its name; of pursuing the destruction of moral sentiments, instead of being their ornament; of debasing, instead of supporting the dignity of man.

This cameleon principle was therefore a proper element of imposition, and was destined to make an immense figure in the world, as the foundation and support of the military system of all unequal governments. We must look pretty far into human nature, before we shall discover the cause, why killing men in battle should be deemed, in itself, an honorable employment. A hangman is universally despised; he exercises an office which not only the feelings but the policy of all nations have agreed to regard as infamous. What is it that should make the difference of these two occupations in favor of the former? Surely it is not because the victims in the former case are innocent, and in the latter guilty. To assert this, would be a greater libel upon human society than I can bring myself to utter; it would make the tyranny of opinion the most detestable, as well as the most sovereign of all possible tyrannies. But what can it be? It is not, what is sometimes alledged, that courage is the foundation of the business; that fighting is honorable because it is dangerous; there is often as much courage displayed in highway-robbery, as in the warmest conflict of armies; and yet it does no honor to the party; a Robin Hood is as dishonorable a character as a Jack Ketch. It is not because there is any idea of justice or honesty in the case; for to say the best that can be said of war, it is impossible that more than one side can be just or honest; and yet both sides of every contest are equally the road to fame; where a distinguished killer of men is sure to gain immortal honor. It is not patriotism, even in that sense of the word which deviates the most from general philanthrophy! for a total stranger to both parties in a war, may enter into it on either side as a volunteer, perform more than a vulgar share of the slaughter, and be for ever applauded, even by his enemies. Finally, it is not from any pecuniary advantages that are ordinarily attached to the profession of arms; for soldiers are generally poor, though part of their business be to plunder.

Indeed, I can see but one reason in nature, why the principle of honor should be selected from all human incentives, and relied on for the support of the military system: it is because it was convenient for the governing power; that power being in the hands of a small part of the community whose business was to support it by imposition.

Barlow's Advice to the Privileged Orders.

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