the question; on all sides the castles were being levelled, the great lords were descending from their fortresses, and becoming more humane towards the people, they were giving up their exactions, and beginning to show respect to the power of the monarch; and the commons, obliged to submit to an amalgamation of the multitude of petty states, to form extensive monarchies, were forced to part with so much of their rights and liberties as was opposed to the system of a general centralisation.

much activity. This was no longer of such elevated views could not be very common in society; moreover, as the most exalted part of society was attracted by the splendour of the throne of the monarch, a focus of intelligence was sure to be formed there, with exclusive pretensions to the government. Compare with this centre of action and intelligence, the people alone, still weak and ignorant, and the result may be easily guessed. Weakness and ignorance never prevailed over force and intelligence. But what remedy was there for this difficulty? The preservation of the Catholic religion all over Europe, and consequently the influence of the clergy; for it is well known that the clergy were still considered at this epoch as the centre of learning.

The question was, to discover whether there existed any means of limiting power, and yet securing to the people the benefits of its centralisation and augmentation; whether it was possible, without embarrassing or weakening the action of power, to secure to the people a reasonable amount of influence over the progress of affairs, and, above all, the right they had already acquired of watching over the public revenues. That is, at once to prevent the sanguinary horrors of revolutions, and the abuses and disorders of court-favourites. The people alone were incapable of preserving this influence, unless they had been furnished with a knowledge of the public affairs; an indispensable resource in such a case, but of which they were in general completely destitute. I do not mean to deny the existence of a certain kind of knowledge amongst the commons; but we must bear in mind that the term public affairs had acquired an extensive signification; for it was not merely applied to a municipality or a province; centralisation becoming every where more general and triumphant, caused this term to be applied to whole kingdoms, not merely considered as isolated, but in the whole of their relations with other nations. From that time European civilisation began to assume that character of generality which still distinguishes it: from that time, to understand aright the private affairs of any one kingdom, it was necessary to look abroad over the whole of Europe, sometimes over the whole world. Men capable

Those who have extolled Protestantism for having weakened the influence of the Catholic clergy, have not sufficiently reflected upon the nature of that influence. It would have been difficult to discover at that epoch a class of citizens connected with the three elements of power by common interests with each, and yet not exclusively allied to any. Monarchy had nothing to fear from the clergy. In fact, how can we imagine that the ministers of a religion, regarding power as an emanation from Heaven, would declare themselves the enemies of royal power, which was acknowledged to be at the head of all others? Neither had the aristocracy any thing to apprehend on the part of the clergy, so long as they did not outstep the bounds of reason. The titles, by virtue of which they claimed the possession of riches, their rights to a certain degree of consideration and of precedence, were not likely to be combated by a class whose principles and interests were necessarily favourable to every thing within the bounds of reason, of justice, and of the laws. The democracy, comprising the generality of the people, found support and most generous protection in the Church. How could the Church, which had laboured so much to emancipate them from their ancient slavery, and at a later period from feudal chains, declare herself the enemy

of a class which might be considered blow what might have been corrected as her creature? If the people ex- by legal means; European civilisation perienced an amelioration in their having been corrupted by the fatal civil condition, it was owing to the innovations of the sixteenth century, efforts of the clergy; if they acquired legitimate authority having been dispolitical influence, it was owing to the regarded even in matters within its amelioration of their condition-an-exclusive sphere, for its mild and beother favour obtained through the influence of the clergy; and if the clergy had any where a sure support, it was natural to look for it in that popular class which, continually in contact with them, received from them their inspirations and instructions.

neficent action the disastrous expedients of violence have been substituted. Three centuries of calamity have more or less opened the eyes of nations, by teaching them how perilous it is, even for the success of an enterprise, to confide it to the cruel hazard of the employment of force; but it is probable that if Protestantism, like an apple of discord, had not been thrown into the middle of Europe, all these great social and political questions would at the present time have been much nearer being solved in a safe, peaceable, and certain manner, if, indeed, they would not have been already solved long since. (38.)

CHAPTER LXV.

POLITICAL DOCTRINES BEFORE THE
APPEARANCE OF PROTESTANTISM.

Besides, the Church selected her members indiscriminately from all classes. To elevate a man to the sacred ministry she required neither titles of nobility nor riches; and this alone was sufficient to insure intimate relations between the clergy and the people, and to prevent the latter from regarding them with aversion and estrangement. Hence the clergy, united to all classes, were an element perfectly adapted to prevent the exclusive preponderance of any of these classes, to maintain all social elements in a certain gentle and productive fermentation, which in time would have produced and matured a natural combination. I do not mean to assert that IN matters appertaining to representhere would not have arisen differ- tative government, modern political ences, disputes, perhaps conflicts, in- science boasts of its great progress: evitable occurrences so long as men we hear it continually asserting that shall be men; but who does not see the school in which the deputies of that the terrible effusion of blood in the Constituent Assembly imbibed the wars of Germany, in the revolu- their lessons was totally ignorant of tions of England and France, would political constitutions. Now when we have been impossible? It will be said, compare the doctrines of the predoperhaps, that the spirit of European minating school of the present day civilisation necessarily tended to dimi- with those of the preceding school, nish the extreme inequality of classes; what difference do we discover beI grant it, and will even add, that tween them? On what points do they this tendency was conformable to the differ? Where is this boasted proprinciples and maxims of the Chris-gress? tian religion, continually reminding men of their equality before God, of their common origin and destination, of the emptiness of honours and riches, and proclaiming that virtue is the only thing solid upon earth, the only thing capable of rendering us pleasing in the eyes of God. But to reform is not to destroy: to cure the disease, we must not kill the patient. It was deemed better to overthrow at one

The school of the eighteenth century said: "The king is the natural enemy of the people; his power must either be totally destroyed, or at least so far restrained and limited that he may only appear with his hands tied on the summit of the social edifice, merely invested with the faculty of approving the measures of the representatives of the people." And what says the modern school, which boasts

of its progress, of the advantage it people; and he was already called the has derived from experience, and of father of the people: the power of the having hit the exact point marked king should be great; that power was out by reason and good sense?" Mon- great: the king should be inviolable, his archy," says this school, “is essen-person sacred; his person was sacred, tial to the great European nations; and his prerogative insured to him by the attempts at republicanism made in the Church from the earliest ages, in America, whatever may be their re- an august and solemn ceremony, that sults, require, as yet, the test of time; of his coronation. "The people are besides, they were made under cir- supreme," said the school of the last cumstances very different from those century; "the law is the expression in which we are placed, and conse- of the general will, the representaquently are not to be imitated by us. tives of the people are alone, thereThe king should not be regarded as fore, invested with legislative faculthe enemy of the people, but as their ties; the monarch cannot resist this father; instead of presenting him to will. The laws are submitted to his public view with his hands tied, he sanction through mere formality; if should be represented surrounded the king refuses this sanction, the with power, grandeur, and even with laws are to undergo another examimajesty and pomp; without which it nation; but if the will of the repreis impossible for the throne to fulfil sentatives of the people still remains the high functions with which it is the same, it shall be raised to the invested. The king should be invio- dignity of law; and the monarch who, lable-not nominally, but really and by the refusal of his sanction, shall effectually, so that his power cannot, show that he regards this general under any pretext, be attacked. He will as detrimental to the public good, should be placed in a sphere beyond shall be compelled, at the expense of the whirlwind of passion and party, his dignity and independence, to give like a tutelar divinity, a stranger to effect to it." mean views and base passions; he In reply to this, the modern school ought to be, as it were, the represent- says: "The supremacy of the people ative of reason and justice. Fools," is either unmeaning, or has a danexclaims this school to its adversaries, gerous sense; the law should not be can you not see that it would be the expression of will, but of reabetter to have no king at all than such son; mere will does not constitute a a one as you would have? Your king law; for this purpose, reason, justice, would always be an enemy to the and public expediency are required." constitution; for he would find this These ideas were general long beconstitution always attacking, embar- fore the sixteenth century, not only rassing, restricting, and humiliating amongst educated men, but him." among the most simple and ignorant classes. A doctor of the thirteenth century admirably expressed it in his habitual laconic language: "It is a rule dictated by reason, and having the common weal for its aim." "Would you," continued the modern school,

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We will now compare this progress with the doctrines predominating in Europe long before the appearance of Protestantism. This comparison will enable us to show clearly that every thing reasonable, just, and useful, contained in these doctrines was already known and generally propagated in Europe when society was under the exclusive influence of the Catholic Church. A king is essential, says the modern school; and, thanks to the influence of the Catholic religion, all the great nations of Europe had a king: the king must not be regarded as the enemy, but as the father of the

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have royal power a truth, you must assign it the first place among legislative powers; you must intrust it with an absolute veto. In the ancient cortes, in the ancient states-general and parliaments, the king did occupy this place among the legislative powers: nothing was done without his consent; he possessed an absolute veto.”

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Away with classes!" exclaims the

Constituent Assembly; "away with the last three centuries. This fact is, distinctions! The king face to face that Protestantism has prevented civiwith the people, directly and imme-lisation from becoming homogeneous, diately; the rest is an attempt against in spite of a strong tendency urging imprescriptible rights." "You are all the nations of Europe to homorash," replies the modern school; "if geneity. The civilisation of the nathere are no distinctions, they must tions without doubt receives its nabe created. If there are not in so- ture and its characteristics from the ciety classes forming in themselves a principles that have given it life and second legislative body, a mediator movement; now these principles being between the king and the people, the same, or very nearly so, in all the there must be artificial ones; through nations of Europe, these nations must the medium of the law must be cre- have borne a close resemblance to each ated what does not exist in society; other. History and philosophy agree if reality is wanting, recourse must on this point; therefore, so long as be had to fiction." Now these classes the European nations did not reexisted in ancient society, they took ceive the inculcation of any germ of part in public affairs, they were or- division, their civil and political inganised as active instruments, they stitutions were developed with a very formed the first legislative bodies. I remarkable similarity. True, cerask now, whether this parallel does not tain differences were observable in show, as clear as the light of day, that them, which were the inevitable conwhat is now termed progress in mat- sequences of a variety of circumters of government, is, in fact, a true stances; but we see that they were return towards what was every where becoming more and more alike, and taught and practised under the influ- forming Europe into one vast whole, ence of the Catholic religion before the of which we can scarcely form a corappearance of Protestantism? In ad- rect idea, accustomed as we are to dressing myself to men endowed with ideas of disunion. This homogeneity the least intelligence upon social and would have arrived at its perfection political questions, I may assuredly through the effect of the rapidity dispense with the differences which which the increase and prosperity of must necessarily result from the two commerce and the arts gave to intelepochs. I grant that the course of lectual and material communications; events would of itself have caused im- the art of printing would have contriportant modifications: political insti- buted to it more than any thing else, tutions were to be accommodated to for the ebb and flow of ideas would the fresh wants to be satisfied. But have dispersed the inequalities sepaI maintain, at the same time, that, so rating the nations one from another. far as circumstances permitted, European civilisation was advancing on the right road to a better state, containing within itself the means necessary for reforming without destroying. But for this purpose a spontaneous development of events was necessary, without any kind of violence; it was necessary to bear in mind that the mere action of man is of little avail, that sudden attempts are dangerous; that the great productions of society are like those of nature, both requiring an indispensable element, time.

There is one fact which appears to me to have been too little reflected upon, although including the explanation of some strange phenomena of

But, unfortunately, Protestantism appeared, and separated the European people into two great families, which, since their division, have professed a mortal hatred towards each other. This hatred has been the cause of furious wars, in which torrents of blood have been shed. One thing yet more fatal than these catastrophes was the germ of civil, political, and literary schism, introduced into the bosom of Europe by the absence of religious unity. Civil and political institutions, and all the branches of learning, had appeared and prospered in Europe under the influence of religion; the schism was religious; it affected even the root, and extended to the branches.

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Thus arose among the various nations those brazen walls which kept them separate; the spirit of suspicion and mistrust was every where spread; things which before would have been deemed innocent or without importance, from that time were looked upon as eminently dangerous.

CHAPTER LXVI.

POLITICAL DOCTRINES IN SPAIN.

that profound separation between Protestant and Catholic Germany, between Spain and England, between that country and France, were sure to have an extraordinary effect in retarding communications between the European nations; and what would have been obtained much sooner by What uneasiness, disquietude, and the aid of moral means, could only agitation must have been the result be obtained by material ones. Steam of these fatal complications! We may tends to convert Europe into one vast say that in this detestable germ is city: if men who were one day to contained the history of the calami- live under the same roof hated one ties with which Europe was afflicted another for three centuries, what was during the last three centuries. To the cause of it? If people's hearts what may we attribute the Anabaptist had been united long before in muwars in Germany, those of the em-tual affection, would not the happy pire, and the Thirty-years' war; those moment in which they were to join of the Huguenots in France, and the hands have been hastened? bloody scenes of the League; and that profound source of division, that uninterrupted series of discords, which, beginning with the Huguenots, was continued by the Jansenists, and then by philosophers, terminating in the Convention? Had England not con- My explanation of this matter would tained in her bosom that nest of sects be incomplete, were I to leave the engendered by Protestantism, would following difficulty unresolved: "In she have had to suffer the disasters Spain, Catholicism has prevailed exof a revolution which lasted so many clusively, and under it an absolute years? Had Henry VIII. not seceded monarchy was established, a sufficient from the Catholic Church, Great Bri- indication that Catholic doctrines are tain would not have passed two-thirds inimical to political liberty." The of the sixteenth century in the most great majority of men never look atrocious religious persecutions, and deeply into the real nature of things, under the most brutal despotism; she nor pay due attention to the true would not have been drowned during meaning of words. Present them with the greater part of the seventeenth in something in strong relief that will torrents of blood, shed by sectarian make a vivid impression on their fanaticism. Had it not been for Pro- imagination, and they take facts just testantism, would England have been as they appear at the first glance, in the fatal position in which she is thoughtlessly confounding causality placed by the Irish question, scarcely with coincidence. It cannot be denied leaving her a choice between a dis- that the empire of the Catholic relimemberment of the empire and a ter-gion coincided in Spain with the final rible revolution? Would not nations preponderance of absolute monarchy; of brethren have found the means of but the question is, Was the Catholic coming to an amicable understanding, if, during the last three centuries, religious discords had not separated them by a lake of blood? Those offensive and defensive confederations between nation and nation, which divided Europe into two parties as inimical to each other as the Christians to the Mussulmen, that traditional hatred between the North and the South,

religion the true cause of this preponderance? Was it she that overturned the ancient cortes, to establish the throne of absolute monarchs on the ruins of popular institutions?

Before we commence our examination into the causes that destroyed the influence of the nation on public affairs, it may be well to remind the reader that in Denmark, Sweden, and