when he saw the last columns of the Russian army flying down the heights at Inkerman. But "The Battle of the Great Redan' we look upon as a mere mistake. Mr. Capern was not with the storming-party on the 8th September. He has never witnessed either that or any other battle, and he has depended for the materials of a poem upon descriptions at second hand by men who were not themselves poets. He has not given us the emotions with which he would look upon a battle-field, because he does not know what those emotions would be. He cannot describe a battle-field, because he does not know what objects would specially have caught his attention had he been present. He is as little capable of writing a poem on the action at the Redan, as he would have been capable of writing his 'Sea-Gull,' or his Old Gray Thrush,' had he spent his life in the streets of towns, and studied the habits and character of birds in a book of ornithology. The Great Redan' is full of vapour, noise, and smoke. It is melodrame, not poetry. We We must not take leave of Mr. Capern with an objection. have given specimens of his ordinary style: one last extract will show that he is no mere poet of birds and flowers, but that he can penetrate, when he pleases, among the more severe emotions which the chequered conditions of humanity at times demand of us. This beautiful piece is called 'The Chaunt of Life:' Merrily, merrily goes the world, Merrily, merrily; Merrily goes with a lightsome bound Cheerily, cheerily ; Merrily, merrily. Heavily, heavily moves the world, Heavily, heavily; Listen, oh Earth, thy mourners sing, The angel of death is on the wing, Gloomily, gloomily. The pride of our homes is stricken low, The rose that was red is white as snow, Slowly the weepers come and go, Singing, the earth is a place of woe, Woefully, woefully. We have given sufficient evidence that Mr. Capern is a real poet; the rank to which he is entitled in the order may yet have to be determined, but he has proved himself to possess the peculiar powers of melodious feeling and melodious expression which nature gives, and nature only; and it may be said of him (and it is rare indeed that such praise can be bestowed) that he can give a blameless account of his stewardship, and that he has used those powers for no other purpose than to promote innocent happiness. It remains to be asked whether society will consider such a man to be adequately recompensed with ten and sixpence a week for his daily labour, and the sum which he may realize by the sale of his little volume. The services which are rendered to the world by a person who is at once a poet and a good man, are not to be measured by money, and we do not expect that because God has made a person a gentleman, the world should imitate the example. But it is neither just nor becoming that he should be left in circumstances where a temporary illness might leave himself and his family to the charity of the parish. If Mr. Capern had given way to the discontent which he might justly have felt, if he had used his talents to give a voice to the angry passions which are fermenting among the people, he would have been an idol 1856.] Foreign and Domestic Politics. of the mob, a successful and dangerous agitator, and where he will sell one copy of his present poems, he would then have sold fifty. If, instead of a talent for poetry, he had been gifted in an equal degree with a talent for trade or any other purely selfish employment, he would have been a rich man, high in the world's favour, and gilded with what the world calls prosperity. Even as it is, but for the failure of his eyesight, he would have made his way with his industry, his good sense, and his character, to a position where he need have felt no uneasiness for the consequences of infirmity or sickness. We cannot believe that in an age like ours he will be allowed to suffer for his virtues. The general inequalities of society it may be impossible to rectify; but particular and glaring instances of wrong may be remedied with ease. Mr. Rock, the editor of these poems, suggests a subscription; and undoubtedly very many wealthy persons would welcome the opportunity of spending their money to so good a purpose. 495 Yet before recourse is taken to a method which Mr. Capern's sensi tiveness might construe into an appeal to charity, we submit that this is a case in which the assistance of the Government might be confidently asked and expected. We do not desire to see him taken away from his present occupation, and set down to a more lucrative employment, an employment, perhaps, as unsuited to his abilities, as he might be unsuited to the duties which would be required of him. Still less should we wish to see the story of Burns repeated a second time. Society is an unwise patron. It fondles and caresses its playthings while the novelty remains; when the gloss is worn away, the grown children toss them away, and turn to some new excitement. In the meantime, however, we repeat that this is precisely one of those instances for the sake of which the Government has the administration of the pension fund. J. A. F. FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLITICS. THE contents of the Definitive Treaty will not transpire in time to be discussed in our present number, but the early conclusion of peace has for some weeks been certain. Soon after the opening of the Conferences, the plenipotentiaries found themselves in a position to convert the protocol already signed at Vienna into a preliminary treaty. The Governments seem to have agreed that no formal notification should be made that the war was already at an end. The publication of the preliminaries would have at once put a stop to hostilities, but the same practical object was effected by an armistice extending to the end of the month. When Lord Palmerston unwillingly admitted in the House of Commons that the protocol had been once more signed in the character of a treaty, those who were competent to form a judgment on the question at once perceived that the Congress must have resolved to conclude their labours before the 31st of March. The terms of the peace will probably have been made public before these pages are published. There is reason to believe that the negotiations have been principally conducted by Count Orloff, by Lord Clarendon, and by the Emperor Napoleon. Count Walewski possesses neither the authority nor the ability of a great diplomatist; and it is supposed that the Russian plenipotentiaries have exhibited a marked coldness towards Count Buol. The English Minister has probably used every effort to obtain the conditions on which he had a right to insist; but the French journals had, with the connivance of their principal public men, done their best to throw away the game before the play commenced. Count Orloff had received full notice that one of his two great adversaries was anxious to withdraw from the contest. It will not be surprising if Russia has taken advantage of a diplomatic error, for which England is in no degree responsible. The ap proaching conclusion of the negotiations was indicated by the invitation which authorized Prussia to send a representative to Paris. As soon as peace became certain, it was natural and reasonable to place it under the guarantee of the Five Powers. It would be unwise on the part of England to exclude Germany from an arrangement which the other great Powers will have the right and the duty to enforce. The probable family alliance which will unite the reigning houses of both countries, furnishes an additional reason for the maintenance of friendly relations with Prussia. The peculiar felicity which has for some years attended the Emperor Napoleon will enable him to associate the termination of peace with the possible establishment of his dynasty in France. The preparations for the birth of the expected infant seemed laughable to some observers, while others may have thought it imprudent to tempt Nemesis by ostentatious anticipations of the future. The hopes of the Emperor might have been altogether disappointed; and it was possible that a girl might be born instead of a boy; but good fortune covers all objections, and the three thousand women who crowded the approaches of the Tuileries when the imperial layette was exhibited, furnished one more proof that Napoleon III. understands the weakness as well as the character of the French people. The promise already made on behalf of the infant heir of the Empire, is not improbably sincere. A long period of peace will best satisfy the wishes and expectations of the European Governments. War has proved a heavy burden, and the absolute monarchs of the Continent have more to fear than to hope from change. The nations which they govern are perhaps less prudent, and certainly less contented with their lot; but the general desire seems to be concentrated on the development of material prosperity. England alone retires half unwillingly from a contest in which her unparalleled resources have scarcely had time to display themselves. An admirably effective army and an irresistible fleet will soon return to a country which as yet has scarcely felt the burden of the war. But, once at peace, Eng land will not be less reluctant than her allies to interrupt the general progress of industry and commerce. Whatever may be the terms of the treaty, the Eastern question is solved or silenced for a time. Russia has found that Constantinople is impregnable for the present; and the Western alliance has, to the surprise of Europe, been found at the same time practicable and irresistible. Unfortunately, a cloud is still hanging in the West; and although it may seem impossible that an absurd and one-sided quarrel should lead to an unnatural war, it is not safe to neglect the violent language which has lately been used against England in the Senate of the United States. The American press delights to illustrate the old story of the Wolf and the Lamb. If an English Minister mildly alludes to the insolent language of an American official, Lord Clarendon is denounced as the enemy of the great Republic; while Mr. Cushing is applauded for his vulgar boast, that the President has endeavoured to strike as near as possible to the throne of Queen Victoria. The English Government is accused of interference and of presumption on account of its wellfounded denial that it has violated the municipal law of the Union. If an English journal refers to the fleet and army which will be available in case of need, innumerable writers and speakers declare that America must not be intimidated. It has even been made a grievance that two or three regiments have, with commendable foresight, been despatched to Canada. All this fury and bluster may possibly lead to a war perhaps not at present contemplated by the agitators themselves; but there is reason to believe that much of the prevailing irritation really arises from domestic causes. The question of slavery becomes from day to day more urgent; and recent events have excited to the highest degree the passions of the contending parties. By the KansasNebraska Bill it was provided that the Territories so called should decide on the nature of their own 1856.] England and the United States. domestic institutions. A majority of Free-soilers emigrated to the territory of Kansas; but at the time of the elections, large bands of sympathisers from the neighbouring State of Missouri crossed the border, and nominated a Governor and a Legislature favourable to slavery. Some local disturbances have since taken place; and the President has, by an order to the officers of the Federal army, recognised the existing authorities, and declared his intention to maintain them by force. The majority of the House of Representatives at Washington is opposed to the administration, and to the extension of slavery. The leaders of the Senate seem anxious to divert public attention from the contest by declamations against the alleged misdoings of the English Govern ment. The pretexts of the quarrel are in the highest degree frivolous. Recruiting establishments were for a time maintained at Halifax, and agents were employed to make it known in the United States that volunteers might enlist in the English service. After a time, the American authorities remonstrated against proceedings which, although literally compatible with their laws, may possibly have been inconsistent with their avowed constitutional policy. The English Government at once abandoned the recruiting system; and even if Mr. Marcy's improbable assertion that it was surreptitiously continued, were borne out by the facts, it is evident that no insult could be conveyed in measures which were openly repudiated. The apology offered was abundantly sufficient for the pretended offence, and no English Minister could insult his countrymen by submitting to further humiliation. The nation desires peace, and especially peace with America, but the forbearance of conscious strength may be tried too far. The Central American difficulty arises from disputes as to the meaning of the treaty of 1850. Some time after the conclusion of that arrangement, Mr. Webster admitted that the English claim to the protectorate of the Mosquitos was wholly unaffected by the convention. The question, whether the Bay of Islands 497 was included in Central America, or excepted as a dependency of British Honduras, may fairly be submitted to arbitration. The Cabinet of Washington has affected not to understand Lord Clarendon's proposal to refer the dispute to an umpire; but the repetition of the offer will at least enforce a definite answer. There is fortunately little danger of a hostile collision; and the real or pretended violence of the orators who clamour for war may soon be diverted into some less dangerous channel. The people of England are in no humour to submit to menace, nor can any risk of defeat be apprehended. The republican levies could defend their own country against the world, but this will make no impression on Canada, while at home they will have no opportunity of exhibiting their prowess. On the whole, however, the probability in favour of peace still greatly preponderates. The aspect of domestic politics has from the commencement of the session become more and more unsatisfactory. The most intelligent and patriotic portion of the community still desires the maintenance of the present Government in office; but no Ministers can long bear up against the disrepute produced by a succession of disconnected and gratuitous blunders. It is true that Lord Palmerston has never been defeated on a question of principle; but the measures which he has failed to carry are precisely of that nature which test the authority and practical judgment of a Minister. It is a misfortune to be deficient in strength; but it is a proof of awkwardness to multiply opportunities of exhibiting a weakness in itself unavoidable. The Cabinet has lately betrayed the mixed temerity and negligence of a half-skilled player who sees that the cards are against him. Sometimes it seems as if the game might be redeemed by a stroke of luck; and at the worst there is nothing lost by carelessness: but a veteran concentrates his efforts on the solitary chance of success which is left, and often snatches at the last moment an unexpected victory. If the constituencies could at this moment be polled on the question, Lord Palmerston would be re-elected to his present office. The country cares little about local dues and lifepeerages, in comparison with the services of the Minister who, singlehanded, averted a disgraceful peace in 1855. A year ago, a nation, all but unanimous in a wise and generous policy, looked almost in vain for a representative and a leader. The aristocracy of both the great parties sneered at the popular enthusiasm. Mr. Disraeli, who must have been the guiding spirit of a Derbyite Government, had constituted himself the avowed advocate of Russia in the press. Lord Aberdeen, a wise and able Minister in time of peace, had never concealed his disapproval of the war; while the most brilliant of his supporters, Mr. Gladstone, developed the astonishing paradox, that a justifiable war had come to a conclusion about the time of his own retirement from office, leaving its original authors at liberty to denounce and oppose the war of conquest which had strangely commenced in the middle of the siege of Sebastopol. The House of Commons was informed by its most eloquent member that Russian aggression on Turkey was a part of a Providential scheme, and almost forgot that it had granted ten millions of taxes to enable the exChancellor of the Exchequer to counteract the designs of Heaven. Sir James Graham naturally gave his adhesion to the course of action which might perhaps not be unpopular, while it had certainly the advantage of being ungenerous. Mr. Sidney Herbert mistook the flow of the stream by an error common to those who, neither feeling strongly nor thinking deeply, watch the bubbles on the surface without gauging the under-current. It is due to the accomplished ex-Secretary at War to admit that, unlike his friends and late colleagues, he retracted his declarations in favour of peace as soon as he was satisfied that they were odious to the nation. The Duke of Newcastle alone resolutely adhered to the policy which he had to the utmost of his power forwarded in office; but an unjust clamour had for the time rendered it impossible that he should serve the country in any active capacity. In similar difficulties a large party had long been accustomed to look for guidance to the established leader of the Whigs. Lord John Russell's character for boldness had been somewhat exaggerated in Sydney Smith's celebrated humourism on which it was principally founded; for his occasional rashness in dealing with merely public interests had always been tempered by a commendable personal discretion. It is safer to take the command after the victory, than even to espouse the side which appears to be winning. On this ground Lord John Russell, although he declined to undertake the repeal of the Corn Laws, boldly coalesced with Lord George Bentinck to drive Sir Robert Peel from office as soon as that difficult and invidious task was accomplished. During the continuance of the Government which was established in 1846, the Premier on many occasions disappointed the confidence of his adherents. The summary expulsion of Lord Palmerston at the end of 1852, gave the last blow to a tottering fabric. A year later, Lord John Russell, by his coalition with Lord Aberdeen, contributed to the formation of a Government which, but for the interruption of peace, would probably have proved itself the most prosperous as well as the most capable Ministry of modern times. For a time the excluded Whig malcontents extended to their former leader the expressions of discontent which were naturally called forth by a Ministry but partially represented at Brooks's. It was not until the eve of the war, that partisans began ominously to mutter that Lord Aberdeen's backwardness and tenderness to Russia were strongly contrasted with the patriotic enthusiasm of his most considerable colleague. The country at large heartily applauded the celebrated oration which ended with the climax of God defend the right;' and on the other hand, only a few students penetrated through a voluminous blue book to the dispatch in which Lord John Russell, with profuse expressions of deference, admitted that the Emperor Nicholas had an undoubted right to protect the Christian subjects of Turkey. During the summer of 1854, politicians behind the scenes were heard to |