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1856.]

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Mr. Prescott's Style.

there was, is more probable for

reason of state' than for jealousy. The mystery, in fine, subsists, and conjecture will continue to play with it as heretofore.

We proceed to minor matters. It has already been hinted that the decorations of this work may be thought too elaborate by readers of a severe taste; who will observe that Mr. Prescott's style has not improved in simplicity-the rarest excellence in writing-by practice. He is indeed somewhat too fond of sonorous passages; in which at times, clauses are introduced rather, it would seem, for the sake of rounding a period, than of adding to its significance. His ordinary narrative manner is far more agreeable; though not always free from errors of language: such as: Inferior in qualities, for exciting affection'; invoking the deputies' (for inviting), 'the members swelled to the number of 3000,'' the emperor took Alva along with him on his campaign,' 'relieved of the presence,' 'it came hard to the duke to execute the treaty,'' the condition which bodes the coming contest,' 'foreboded (for foresaw), the fate of their lord. Other phrases occur, if not absolutely incorrect, certainly inelegant. Philip pushing forward his journey,'Spain precluded from pushing her speculations in the regions of science,' ' the prince usually made but one nap of it.'

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False or mixed figures, the beset ting sins of an ambitious style, are not wanting in places of display; such as: fathomless ravine choked up by débris,' 'rural labours broken by the warwhoop of the savage,' necromancer raising a storm,' &c. At times the effect of one sentence neutralizes the other. Thus, in an ornate description (ii. 161) of the terrors of Alva's arrival it is said that 'The inhabitants beheld the heavens darkening around them, and the signs of the tempest at hand. A still deeper gloom lay upon Brussels, now the residence of Alva,' . . and immediately afterwards, that most of the courtiers who remained,' gilded insects that loved the sunshine, had left the regent's palace, aud gone to pay their homage at Culemborg House-head quarters of Alva-centre of the gloom aforesaid!

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Of mere redundance of language, the following instances will suffice: Every one knows the importance of a popular name to a faction, a nom de guerre, under which its members may rally and make head together as an independent party.' On the assault by the Mahometan besiegers of Mazarquivir, held by the Spaniards, Mr. Prescott pauses to observe: It was the old battle of the Crescent and the Cross; the fiery African, and the cool indomitable European: arquebuss and pike, sabre and scimitar clashed fearfully against each other, while high above the din rose the warcries of Allah' and St Jago,' showing the creeds and countries of the combatants.' Again, 'the heads of fifty Turks who had fallen . were cut off-as we are told-by the garrison, and sent, as the grisly trophies of their victory, to Oran, showing the feelings of bitter hatred, perhaps of fear, with which this people was regarded by the Christians.' In a work, which in any case must be voluminous, such a waste of words may justly be complained of.

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This however is not the sole ob

jection. It is apt to lead to a certain looseness in the terms of reference -direct or incidental-to matters of historical fact, which impairs the accuracy of the work. In common discourse, for instance, it may be usual to speak of the 'Sack of Rome by Bourbon-who was slain before the walls were taken ;—but history requires more precision. The war provoked by Paul IV. is truly described (i. 167) as one into which that Pontiff had plunged without preparation, conducted without judgment, and terminated without honour . . . which brought little honour to any of the parties concerned in it; but on the other hand, a full measure of all those calamities which always follow in the train of war.' Yet it is soon afterwards said of the same war, that 'it was nobly conceived, though impracticable.' "Alva in his embassy to France (1559) displays all the stately demeanour of a true Spanish hidalgo.' Again, on another occassion, Mendoza, fourth Duke of Infantado,' is praised as a fine specimen of the old Castilian hidalgo.' Both these personages were grandes (high nobles)

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of the first class:* hidalguia, per se
imports mere gentle, as distinguished
from plebeian; the former class
hombres libres, the latter pecheros,
gent taillable et corvéable.
To ex-
tol a Duke of Norfolk or Hamil-
ton, as a fine specimen of the English
squire, would nearly produce the
same effect. With the Scotch refor-
mation, it is said that 'the fiery cross
had gone round over the hills and
valleys of Scotland': Venice is de-
picted (Venice still one of the
busiest marts of the world) — as
sitting on her lonely watch-tower
in the Adriatic'; the fleet, of seventy
ships, in which Philip returns to
Spain, is a little navy.' Such epi-
thets as 'great Protestant champion'
applied to Maurice of Saxony, to
Orange, that of leader in a 'religious
war,' are scarcely admissible; imply-
ing at least questionable views of
their respective positions.

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The

modern traveller, if conversant with older times, will be surprised to learn that the present in Spain is but the mirror of the past. In other countries fashions become antiquated, old errors exploded, early tastes reformed. Not so in the peninsula. The traveller has only to cross the Pyrenees to find himself a contemporary of the 16th century!

In the translation of his texts Mr. Prescott is not always so careful as could be wished. This is a point of moment in a history founded to some extent on unpublished papers; in the use of which, as already observed, the utmost fidelity is requisite, so that the true sense and nothing more, still less anything at variance with it, shall be given. For a case of deviation from this rule, see the account (i. 367) of Philip's first interview, on Spanish ground, with Elizabeth de

Valois; where an interpolation by the translator gives the anecdote a colour quite different from that of the original (Brantôme). On arriving at Guadalajara,

The Princess Joanna (Juana) came down to receive her sister-in-law, and, after an affectionate salutation, conducted her to the saloon, where Philip, attended by his son (Don Carlos), was awaiting his bride. It was the first time Isabella had seen her destined lord. She now gazed on him so intently, that he good-humouredly asked her if she were looking to see if he had any grey hairs on his head?' The bluntness of the question somewhat disconcerted her,' &c. 'Isabella was in her fifteenth year,+ and Philip in his thirty-fourth.

Brantôme's words are-'Elle se mit à le contempler si fixement, que le Roy, ne le trouvant pas bon' (not liking this), luy demanda, Qué mirais, si tengo canas?'

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Ces mots luy touchèrent si fort au cœur' (hardly the effect of a good-humoured question!) que depuis on augura mal pour elle.'

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When news of the image breaking in Flanders arrived in Spain, Philip, says Mr. Prescott, quoting from Gachard's Analectes, burst forth, it is said, into the most violent fit of anger, and, tearing his beard, exclaimed, 'It shall cost them dear! by the soul of my father I swear it -it shall cost them dear!'' adding, 'If true, it affords a solitary exception to the habitual self-command of the monarch. The account given by Hopper, &c. ('that he maintained his usual serenity') is the more probable of the two.' There is nothing in the words quoted from Gachard, if properly rendered, implying any exceptional display on Philip's part: Il leur

* For the especial state and privilege of the Duque, as grandee of the first class, see Salazar y Mendoza. Dignidades de Castilla y Leon, 1. iii. cap. xvi., and the supplement to his work, by Carrillo. The style of hidalgo, as implying simple gentry, is explained, from the best Spanish authorities, by Selden, Titles of Honour, Second Edition, London, 576, et seq. For a concise and decisive proof, see Martel, Forma de proceder en Cortes (Aragon). One of the articles, after naming certain grandes, who have a right to their summons, adds, 'Los Hidalgos' (the mere gentry), 'no pueden alegar posesion de ser llamados.'

Here, in a note, Mr. Prescott says, 'there is even more uncertainty than is usual in regard to a lady's age.' Cabrera says eighteen at the time of her marriage (1560), and De Thou, only eleven when betrothed (in 1559). There seems to be no reason to doubt the date in Moréri, who gives a list of all Henry II.'s children, with the year and day of the birth of each: Elizabeth's is April 13, 1545 (the same year as Don Carlos); this agrees with the age in the text pretty nearly.

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en coûtera cher, s'écria-t-il, en se tirant la barbe;' not 'tearing his beard,' but merely grasping it, as the Orientals do, on solemn occasions. It was Philip's habit, mentioned by others who have described his remarkable self-command, as an evidence of it. The only gesture,' says Ranke,* quoting from a contemporary notice, which he was ever seen to use, when surprised or angered, was the same which we observe in the gravest of Arabs-he laid hold of his beard with one hand.'

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In the above, the originals are subjoined in notes; and the reader can himself make the needful correction. But this is not the case where, a reference only being given to authorities not within everyone's reach, negligence or error may be more deceptive. A document, for instance, published in the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Madrid, furnishes some curious particulars of Philip's marriage negotiations with Elizabeth Tudor, after Mary's death. Feria, the ambassador, is instructed to make an offer: 'accompanied however by some very prudent conditions. It was to be understood that Elizabeth must be a Roman Catholic, and if not one already, must repudiate her errors, and become one. She was to obtain a dispensation from the Pope for the marriage,' &c. The wording of the clause marked in italics seemed strange; and suggested a reference to the original,-where it was found with a material difference. The words are: Que haya de pedir dispensa y absolucion, &c.-ask, apply for, not obtain. The variation is not trivial; it makes all the dif ference between a reasonable and

an impertinent proposal. It was enough that Elizabeth should testify her obedience by asking-the obtaining would be an object of Philip's own care. It cannot be too strongly recommended to Mr. Prescott to avoid this kind of inaccuracy,

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which no rhetorical effect can compensate.

Some minor errata in translation will be more easily corrected. The betrothal of Elizabeth is 'celebrated in the church of St. Mary' -a misnomer of the cathedral of Nôtre Dame. 'Marshal Termes,' whom Egmont defeated at Gravelines, is the Maréchal de Thermes of French annals; and the Abbé San Real, the well-known romancer St. Réal. These are French in Spanish masks. In his account of the siege of Malta, Mr. Prescott, following Vertôt, conceals a famous Spaniard in a French disguise. In the Chevalier de Medran, who plays a distinguished part there, we recognise the good knight, Gonzalez de Medrano,t scion of one of those noble Castilian families that won the cross borne in their arms at the battle of Las Navas.‡ We ascribe to the seduction of a sounding phrase, the error in trans. lating Strada's Murales machinas: -the cannon fired by Noircarmes against Valenciennes in 1567, says Mr. Prescott, 'threw into that city three thousand bombs.' The very author quoted distinctly states elsewheres that the first of these explosives was used at the siege of Wachtendonck, in 1588; indeed, the enormous number in the text might alone have suggested caution.

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Before closing the list of notes, which, with an eye to future editions, may be regarded with indulgence,- -we demur to the statement (i. 39), that the performance of a comedy of Ariosto' at a court festival at Valladolid (1548), was proof that Italian literature of that class (if indeed of any class) had now commended itself, in some degree to the popular taste.' Court shows, exhibited to amuse foreign princes, could be no evidence of what was popular in Spain. Somewhat later she adopted with favour|| the Italian lyrics; but neither then

Fürsten und Volker von Süd Europa, i. 128. +Taafe's Knights of St. John, iv. 25-37.

Argote de Molina, Nobleza del Andaluzia, cap. xlvii.

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§ Dec. ii. lib. x. 448, he minutely describes the new missile, which he says had been invented but a few months previously. Schiller had made the same error

before Mr. Prescott.

Yet these, even, were rather the study of a select class, than the delight of what can be termed a popular taste.

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Mr. Prescott must also be corrected when he says that Hurtado de Mendoza, after his banishment from court (i. e., after 1568), 'profited by his exile to give to the world those remarkable compositions, both in history and romance, that form an epoch in the national literature.' The single romance ascribed to Mendoza (he never owned it) the Lazarillo, was composed and published long before his exile. It is understood to have been written by him while a student at Salamanca (1525-30). Obra de su mocedad en Salamanca, says Sedano.* It is certain that it was in print in the Low Countries in 1553; and not unlikely that there were earlier Spanish editions.

The portraits which appropriately embellish these volumes, are:Philip, when young, after Titian: a speaking likeness beyond all doubt, with a cold supercilious expression in the mouth, and malicious eyes, of a sinister, almost feline penetration; Mary Tudor, the same pinched,

anxious, old face that we know in Lodge; Margaret of Parma, less. mannish on the canvas than she is drawn by the pen, with an open, not unpleasing cast of features; Alva, bearded and grim, a lank, proud visage, dignified, yet withal narrow and forbidding; and Don Carlos, sullen and sheepish-looking in his fine clothes, with a scared, vicious glance in his eyes, thinlipped and round shouldered-an unpromising figure of a prince, and ill suited for the hero of a Schiller or Alfieri.

Here we must close a notice which may have seemed too long already, and not too entertaining. We have, however, thought it better to examine, than merely to give praises and extracts, partly because these can be of little service to a book which every one will read; partly because the present is but the first edition of a work still in progress: so that revisal of what has been published, and consideration of what is yet to come, may be suggested with some prospect of being useful. In this point of view it may be hoped that Mr. Prescott will regard attentive comment as the best compliment we could pay to the character and pretensions of his work, and to his motives in composing it. I. R. C.

FAMILIAR EPISTLES FROM IRELAND.

From TERENCE FLYNN, ESQ., to DENNIS MORIARTY, ESQ., Barristerat-law, London.

Flax Lodge, Connemara,
20th Dec., 1855.

MY DEAR DENNIS,

YOUR last letter after so long a

can shake my belief in an intimate connexion between the temperament, disposition, passions, and habits of a man, and his handwriting. There is a great deal to be said on this subject, Dennis, but I will not trouble you at present by entering at large upon so extensive an inquiry. I will only just ask you whether you ever saw a letter written under the influence of mental agitation, that did not materially differ from a letter written by the same hand under ordinary circumstances? Now if you can clearly

silence was a source of much speculation to me, not only on account of the remarkable variety of intelligence you contrived to squeeze into it, but because by its caligraphy, no less than its contents, it showed me that you are acquiring at last (time for you!) some fixity of character. Let your wise people who refuse their assent to all doctrines that are not capable of demonstration, say what they like, they never trace the disturbance of the mind in

*Parnaso Español, t. iv.

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1856.]

Character in Handwriting.

the disorderly lines and the tremulous touches of the pen, mending gaps here and there in the words, and trying to give a fictitious steadiness and unity to the whole, you must admit the existence of that mysterious sympathy which, opera. ting through the nervous organization, communicates to the sheet of paper more or less the impress of the immediate emotion. If, on the contrary, there is no change apparent, and the hand that guides the pen is as firm in the hour of suffering as in the season of care and prosperity, may we not fairly accept it as a visible proof of that imperturbable strength which 'looks on tempests and is never shaken ?' The handwriting therefore is an equally certain clue to the accidental conditions and the essential attributes of character. And I contend that it is even a more perfect reflex of the latter, which it betrays unconsciously, than of the former, which we are generally on our guard against, and take some pains to disguise. How else are we to account for the infinite variety of hands in the letters of our correspondents? Most men are taught to write upon pretty much the same system, yet there are hardly two who write alike, except by the force of constant intercourse, similarity of habits, and foppery of imitation. If there be not some occult connexion between the moral nature and the penmanship, how is it that handwritings grow up into such distinctive and individualized forms, resolving themselves into pen-and-ink features as marked in their expression as the features of the face, which are supposed to be an index to the mind?

The only exception I know of on a large scale is to be found in the handwriting of women, which is usually uniform and vague, evasive and unmeaning, and distinguished by a superfluity of hair strokes and punctuation, or none at all, and a prodigal expenditure of space. But here again, Dennis, I discern a curious confirmation of my theory. If the handwriting of women baffles all attempt at speculation on their characters, don't you see that it is on that account all the more faithful to its source, since it is notorious that, from the beginning of time

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to the present year of grace, the same baffling of speculation has been going on in regard to women themselves. And if by the profoundest ingenuity of investigation, aided by the closest insight into their actions, we cannot get at the truth of their heart or brains, intentions, wishes, motives, objects, likings or dislikings, antipathies or sympathies, is it not as clear as the sun at noonday, that the enigmatical style of their caligraphy is the exact type of their characters? Perhaps you will turn round upon me with the old quotation from Pope, and tell me that most women have no characters at all;' or as it was better stated long before by Butler,

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The souls of women are so small,

That some believe they've none at all. But if you are so utterly lost to all sense of decency, so graceless and abandoned as to maintain such an abominable doctrine, I have you again upon another horn of my theory; for nothing can be more expressive of a human being who has no fixed, definite, or intelligible character, than that manner of writing from which it is impossible to extract an inference of any kind, and which is common, with almost imperceptible and certainly immaterial variations, to tens of thousands of Parian fingers. It is said that the grand aim of female education is to teach women to conceal their natures; and, if this be true, their education has undoubtedly been carried to the height of perfection in this article of handwriting.

The diversity of men's hands is not more striking than their particular peculiarities. Here is a miniature note which occupies three lines and a half in the centre of a sheet; written in the ordinary way it would fill a couple of pages. The letters are not larger than the head of the smallest pin. It must be read by the help of a powerful lens, which will disclose to you a symmetry and accuracy of form that cannot fail to awaken admiration and surprise. Now, you may take my word for it that the writer has a faculty for small and minute things, by which he is marked out from the herd of his associates, and upon which he plumes himself as a speciality. He has a genius for

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