fences. When Sodom was doomed to destruction, the Lord declared that he would not destroy it, if ten righteous persons could be found within it". When the nations of Canaan were exterminated, it was not (as the profane scoffer would represent) for the mere purpose of bestowing their territory upon a favoured people, but for the punishment of whole communities sunk in idolatry, and incorrigibly addicted to the most odious impieties and immoralities of which human nature is capable. When similar judgments in after-times were denounced and executed upon other nations, both the threatenings and calamities were accompanied with express declarations of the sins which occasioned them. The burden of Babylon, the burden of Egypt, the burden of Tyre, the burden of Nineveh, the denunciations against an impious chief or a wicked people, usually set forth (if we may so speak) the very grounds and reasons of the Divine proceedings, as if to cut off all occasion of doubt or cavil as to the equity of the sentence.

In the records of profane history, the same express testimony is not to be expected. Yet the careful observer will seldom fail to perIsaiah xiii. 1. xix. 1. xxiii. 1.

n Gen. xviii. 32. Nahum. i. 1.

ceive a similar connection between national offences and adversity on the one hand, and national rectitude and prosperity on the other. Evidence to this effect

may be gathered, not only from the events themselves, but also from the observations of historians (however unintentionally on their part) respecting the causes, proximate or remote, which led to such or such results; as well as from the more elaborate disquisitions of writers who have professedly applied themselves to the investigation of the true sources of national prosperity. From these combined authorities we may deduce most satisfactory proofs of the connection between what the Scriptures denominate righteousness, and what statesmen mean by political greatness. The scriptural term righteousness, as applied to national character, is that rectitude and integrity of which pure and sound religionthe love of God and the love of man-is the basis. Political greatness, in any proper acceptation of the term, must be that by which a people is raised in the estimation of other nations; that by which it commands their respect and confidence, and possesses a preponderating influence in their counsels and their measures for the general good. This character never was, nor ever will be, sepa

rable from moral excellence; and moral excellence, whether in communities or individuals, is equally inseparable from a steadfast adherence to religious principle. Thus are public and social interests, no less than private, interwoven with the duties we owe to God and man. In the ordinary course of things, therefore, national prosperity will be the effect of national virtue and religion: and this in itself is a striking evidence that "God will judge among the nations"," and that he ruleth over the kingdoms of the earth according to his unerring wisdom, equity, and truth.

But will the facts of history bear us out in this representation? Is such a retribution generally exemplified in the records of nations? Do not splendid crimes often pave the way to an enormous increase of national strength and power, even to an unbounded extent of dominion over the rest of mankind? And do not virtuous and unoffending states often suffer under the heavy hand of some gigantic usurper or oppressor, fearing neither God nor man? Are not these impenetrable clouds thrown over the supposed dispensations of the supreme Arbiter of the world?-Caution, on every side, is necessary, in attempt

P Isaiah ii. 4.

ing to answer these questions ;-caution, that we neither hastily arraign the justice of the Almighty in suffering such things to take place, nor deceive ourselves in framing imaginary and delusive theories to clear away the mystery that we cannot fully pene

trate.

We are accustomed to speak, perhaps, somewhat too familiarly of God's moral government of the world, as if we were discussing some philosophical treatise on the law of nations, or some human code of political institutes; forgetting our inability to embrace in one view such a combination of interests, public and private, local and universal, temporary and perpetual, as those which the supreme Being surveys in one comprehensive view; together with the bearings of these upon ages past, present, and to come; upon the welfare of myriads already gone, or now in existence, or who are yet to perform their part on this sublunary stage. Without a full knowledge of these, who may presume to say that any one important occurrence in history may not have been necessary for some wise beneficial purpose, however to us indiscernible; forming an essential part, perhaps, of that vast, stupendous whole, in which the omniscient and omnipresent Mind

foresees and directs every thing from the beginning to the end of time.

Nevertheless, without indulging presumptuous speculations, something may even here be suggested to allay any painful solicitude.

The ordinary effects of religion and virtue upon the happiness of nations, we contend, are such as fully vindicate the general dispensations of Providence in this respect. The seeming exceptions to this rule, we contend also, are by no means sufficient to prove that wickedness is ever conducive to national welfare, however it may for a while contribute to national aggrandizement by an increase of its power or an extent of its dominion. The internal state of such a people, however much its external strength be augmented, may be, and usually is, full of misery proportioned to its wickedness; while even the most depressed condition of a virtuous state may continue in possession of the purest and most enviable enjoyments. Neither can it be proved that national crimes and delinquencies ever promote real political greatness. For if (as has already been argued) that greatness consists in a preponderating and salutary influence upon other powers, by commanding general respect and confidence; then is it evident, that the greater the power of a corrupt and