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and anchored at the mouth of the Meduacus Major, and near the present villages of Chiozza and Fusina. A party of these adventurers, having advanced up the river in some light vessels, effected a landing, and proceeded to burn and plunder the defenceless villages on its banks. The alarm of this unexpected attack soon reached Patavium, whose inhabitants were kept continually on the alert and in arms, from fear of the neighbouring Gauls. A force was instantly despatched to repel the invaders; and such was the skill and promptitude with which the service was performed, that the marauders were surprised and their vessels taken before the news of this reverse could reach the fleet at the mouth of the river. Attacked at his moorings, it was not without great loss, both in ships and men, that the Spartan commander effected his escape. The shields of the Greeks and the beaks of their galleys were suspended in the temple of Juno, and an annual mock-fight on the Meduacus served to perpetuate the memory of so proud a day in the annals of Patavium. This event is placed by the Roman historian in the 450th year of Rome. Strabo speaks of Patavium as the greatest and most flourishing city in the north of Italy; and states that it counted in his time 500 Roman knights among its citizens, and could at one period send 20,000 men into the field. Its manufactures of cloth and woollen stuffs were renowned throughout Italy, and, together with its traffic in various commodities, sufficiently attested the great wealth and prosperity of its inhabitants. (Strab., 213–Compare Martial, 14, 141.) Wessels could come up to Patavium from the sea, a distance of 250 stadia, by the Meduacus. About six miles to the south of the city were the celebrated Patavinae Aquae. (Plin., 2, 103.−Id., 31, 6.) The principal source was distinguished by the name of Aponus Fons, from whence that of Bagni d'Abano, by which these waters are at present known, has evidently been formed.—The modern Padua (in Italian Padova) occupies the site of the ancient Patavium. (Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 120, seqq.) Patercülus, an historian. culus.) PATMos, a small rocky island in the AEgean, south of Icaria, and southwest of Samos. It belonged to the group of the Sporades. This island appears to have had no place which deserved the name of a city. It became a spot of some consequence, however, in the early history of the church, from St. John's having been banished to it, and having here written his Apocalypse. It is the general opinion of commentators on Scripture, that St. John was banished to Patmos towards the close of the reign of Domitian. It is not known how long his captivity lasted, but it is thought that he was released on the death of Domitian, which happened A. D. 96, when he retired to Ephesus. (Iren., 2, 22, 5.— Euseb., Hist. Eccles., 3, 18. — Dio Cass., 68, 1.) A small bay on the east side, and two others on the western shore, divide Patmos into two portions, of which the southern is the more considerable. The modern name of the island is Patmo or Palmosa. It contains several churches and convents; the principal one is dedicated to the apostle. There are also the ruins of an ancient fortress, and some other remains. (Whittington, in Walpole's Memoirs of Turkey, vol. 2, p. 43.) Dr. Clarke, in speaking of Patmos, declares that there is not a spot in the Archipelago with more of the semblance of a volcanic origin than this island. (Travels, vol. 6, p. 73, Lond. ed.) Patr AE, a city of Achaia, west of Rhium, and at the opening of the Corinthian Gulf. It is said to have been built on the site of three towns, called Aroë, Anthea, and Messatis, which had been founded by the Ionians when they were in possession of the country. On their expulsion by the Achaeans, the small towns above mentioned fell into the hands of Patreus, an il
(Wid. Welleius Pater
lustrious chief of that people; who, uniting them into one city, called it by his name. Patrae is enumerated by Herodotus among the 12 cities of Achaia (1, 46). We are informed by Thucydides, that, during the interval of peace which occurred in the Peloponnesian war, Alcibiades persuaded its inhabitants to build long walls down to the sea (5, 53). This was one of the first towns which renewed the federal system after the interval occasioned by the Macedonian dominion throughout Greece. (Polyb, 2, 41.) Its maritime situation, opposite to the coast of Ætolia and Acarnania, rendered it a very advantageous port for communicating with these countries; and in the Social war, Philip of Macedon frequently landed his troops there in his expeditions into Peloponnesus. The Patraoans sustained such severe losses in the different engagements fought against the Romans during the Achaean war, that the few men who remained in the city determined to abandon it, and to reside in the surrounding villages and boroughs. (Pausanias, 7, 18. —Polybius, 40, 3, seqq.) Patrae was, however, raised to its former flourishing condition after the battle of Actium by Augustus, who, in addition to its dispersed inhabitants, sent thither a large body of colonists, chosen from his veteran soldiers, and granted to the city, thus restored under his auspices, all the privileges usually conceded by the Romans to their colonies. Strabo (387) affirms, that in his day it was a large and populous town, with a good harbour. The modern Patras occupies the site of the ancient city. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 3, p. 67.) Patróclus, one of the Grecian chieftains during the Trojan war, son of Menoetius, and of Sthenele the daughter of Acastus, and the beloved friend of Achilles. Having in his youth accidentally killed Clysonymus, the son of Amphidamas, in a moment of ungovernable fury, he was compelled to fly from Opus, where his father reigned, and found an asylum with Peleus, king of Phthia, who educated bim with his son Achilles under the centaur Chiron; and thus was contracted between the two youthful heroes a friendship that never suffered the slightest diminution. Upon the determination of Achilles to retire from the war after his quarrel with Agamemnon, Patroclus, impatient at the successes of the Trojans, obtained permission from his friend to lead the Thessalians to the conflict. Achilles equipped him in his own armour, except giving him the spear called Pelias, which no one but the hero himself could wield, and which he had received from his father Peleus, on whom Chiron had bestowed it. (Il., 16, 140, seqq.) The stratagem proved completely successful; and from the consternation into which the Trojans were thrown at the presence of the supposed Achilles, Patroclus was enabled to pursue them to the very walls of the city. The protecting hand, however, of their tutelary god, Apollo, at last prevailed, and the brave Greek fell beneath the arm of Hector, who was powerfully aided by the son of Latona. A fierce contest ensued for the dead body of Patroclus, of which Ajax and Menelaus ultimately obtained possession. The grief of Achilles, and the funeral rites performed in honour of his friend, are detailed in the 18th and 23d books of the Iliad. Patroclus was surnamed Menartiades from his father, and Actorides from his grandfather. (Hom., Il., l.c.—Apollod., 3, 13.-Hygin., fab., 97, 275.Opid, Met., 13, 273.) PATulcius, a surname of Janus. PAULINUs, a Roman commander. Paulinus.) Paulus, I. AEMilius, son of the consul of the same name, who fell in the battle near Cannae (B.C. 216), after using his utmost efforts to check the rashness of his colleague. Young AEmilius was a mere boy at the death of his father, yet by his personal merits, and the powerful influence of his friends, he eventually at
(Vid. Janus.) (Wid. Suetonius tained to the highest honours of his country. His sister Æmilia was married to P. Cornelius Scipio, the conqueror of Hannibal, who was consul for the second time B.C. 194; and this very year AEmilius, though he had held no public office, was appointed one of three commissioners to conduct a colony to Crotona, in the south of Italy, a city with which he might claim some connexion on the ground of his descent from Mamercus, the son of Pythagoras. Two years aster, at the age of about 36, he was elected a curule a dile in preserence, if we may believe Plutarch, to twelve candidates of such merit that every one of them became afterward consuls. His aedileship was distinguished by many improvements in the city and neighbourhood of Rome. The following year (191 B.C.) he held the office of praetor, and in that capacity was governor of the southwestern part of the Spanish peninsula, with a considerable force under his command. The appointment was renewed the following year, but with enlarged powers, for he now bore the title of proconsul, and was accompanied by double the usual number of lictors. In an engagement, however, with the Lusitani, 6000 of his men were cut to pieces, and the rest only saved behind the works of the camp. But this disgrace was retrieved in the third year of his government, by a signal defeat of the enemy, in which 18,000 of their men were left upon the field. For this success a public thanksgiving was voted by the senate in honour of AEmilius. Soon after he returned to Rome, and found that he had been appointed, in his absence, one of the ten commissioners for regulating affairs in that part of Western Asia which had lately been wrested by the two Scipios from Antiochus the Great. AEmilius was a member also of the college of augurs from an early age, but we do not find any means of fixing the period of his election. As a candidate for the consulship he met with repeated repulses, and only attained that honour in 182 B.C., nine years after holding the office of praetor. During this and the following year he commanded an army in Liguria, and succeeded in the complete reduction of a powerful people called the Ingauni (who have left their name in the maritime town of Albenga, formerly Albium Ingaunum). A public thanksgiving of three days was immediately voted, and, on his return to Rome, he had the honour of a triumph. For the next ten years we lose sight of AEmilius, and at the end of this period he is only mentioned as being selected by the inhabitants of farther Spain to protect their interests at Rome, an honour which at once proved and added to his influence. It was at this period (B.C. 171) that the last Macedonian war commenced; and though the Romans could scarcely have anticipated a struggle from Perseus, who inherited from his father only the shattered remains of the great Macedonian monarchy, yet three consuls, in three successive years, were more than baffled by his arms. In B.C. 168 a second consulship, and with it the command against Perseus, was,intrusted to AEmilius. He was now at least 60 years of age, but he was supported by two sons and two sons-in-law, who possessed both vigour and ability. By Papiria, a lady belonging to one of the first families in Rome, he had two sons and three daughters. Of the sons, the elder had been adopted into the house of the Fabii by the celebrated opponent of Hannibal, and consequently bore the name of Quintus Fabius Maximus, with the addition of AEmilianus, to mark his original connexion with the house of the AEmilii. The younger, only seventeen years of age at this period, had been adopted by his own cousin, the son of Scipio Africanus, and was now called by the same name as his grandfather by adoption, viz., P. Cornelius Scipio, with the addition of Æmilianus, as in his brother's case. The careless reader of Roman history often confounds these two persons, and the more so as the younger eventually acquired the same title of Africanus. By the marriage of his
daughters, again, AEmilius was father-in-law to Marcus Porcius Cato, son of the censor, and to AElius Tubero. These four young men accompanied AEmilius to the war in Macedonia, and all contributed in a marked manner to his success. Perseus was strongly posted in the range of Olympus to defend the passes from Perrhaebia into Macedonia, but he allowed himself to be out-manoeuvred. AEmilius made good his passage through the mountains, and the two armies were soon in view of each other near Pydna. On the evening before the battle, an officer in the Roman army, named Sulpicius, obtained the consul's permission to address the troops upon a point which was of no little importance in those ages. An eclipse of the moon, it was known to Sulpicius, would occur that night, and he thought it prudent to prepare the soldiers for it. When the eventful moment arrived, the soldiers went out, indeed, to assist the moon in her labours with the usual clamour of their kettles and pans, nor omitted to offer her the light of their torches; but the scene was one of amusement rather than fear. In the Macedonian camp, on the other hand, superstition produced the usual effect of horror and alarm; and on the following day the result of the battle corresponded to the feelings of the night. In a single hour the hopes of Perseus were destroyed for ever. The monarch fled with scarcely a companion, and on the third day reached Amphipolis. Thence he proceeded to Samothrace, where he soon after fell into the hands of the conqueror. The date of the battle of Pydna has been fixed by the eclipse to the 22d of June. Livy, indeed, assigns it to a day in the early part of September; but it is not impossible that the difference may be owing to some irregularity in the Roman calendar, which, prior to the Julian cof. rection, must often have differed widely from the pres ent distribution of the year. The Romans were care ful in recording the day of every important battle. After reducing Macedonia to the form of a Roman province, AEmilius proceeded on his return to Epirus. Here, under the order of the senate, he treacherously surprised seventy towns, and delivered up to his army 150,000 of the inhabitants as slaves, and all their property as plunder. On his arrival in Rome, however, he found in this army, with whom he was far from popular, the chief opponents to his claim to a triumph. This honour he at last obtained, and Perseus, with his young children, some of them too young to be sensible of their situation, were paraded for three successive days through the streets of Rome. But the triumphant general had a severe lesson from affliction in the midst of his honour. Of two sons by a second wife (he had long divorced Papiria), one, aged twelve, died five days before the triumph, the other, aged fourteen, a few days after; so that he had now no son to hand down his name to posterity. AEmilius lived eight years after his victory over Perseus, in which period we need only mention his censorship, B.C. 164. At his death, 160 B.C., his two sons, who had been adopted into other families, Fabius and Scipio, honoured his memory in the Roman fashion by the exhibition of funeral games; and the Adelphi of Terence, the last comedy the poet wrote, was first presented to the Roman public on this occasion. The fact is attested by the inscription still prefixed to the play. AEmilius found in his grateful friend Polybius one willing and able to commemorate, perhaps to exaggerate, his virtues. Few Romans have received so favourable a character from history. (Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 1, p. 143.)—II. AEgineta, a medical writer. (Vid. AEgineta.)—III. A native of Alexandrea, who wrote, A.D. 378, an Introduction to Astrology (Elaayoy; eig rov 'Atrorežeguarukňv), dedicated to his son Cronammon, which has come down to us. We have also a body of scholia on this work, composed A.D. 1151. The author of these is called, in one of the MSS., by the apparently Arabian name of Apomasar. Another writer, equally unknown, by the name of Heliodorus, is the author of a Commentary on this same work, in 53 chapters, which still remains in MS. There are two editions of the work of Paulus: one by Schaton, Witeb., 1586, 8vo, and the other in 1588, Witeb., 4to. (Schöll, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 7, p. 47.)—IV. Silentiarius, a poet in the time of Justinian. (Vid. Silentiarius.) PAusANías, I. son of Cleombrotus, was of that royal house in Sparta which traced its descent from Eurysthenes. Aristotle calls him “king,” but he only governed as the cousin-german and guardian of Pleistarchus, who succeeded to the throne on the death of Leonidas. Pausanias comes principally into notice as commander of the Grecian army at the battle of Plataea. The Spartan contingent had been delayed as long as was possible; but, owing to the representations made by the Athenian ministers at Lacedæmon, it was at last despatched, though not until the Persians had advanced into Boeotia. This delay, however, had one good effect, that of taking the Argives by surprise, and defeating their design of intercepting any troops hostile to Persia which might march through their territory. The Spartans, under the command of Pausanias, got safe to the Isthmus, met the Athenians at Eleusis, and ultimately took up that position which led to the battle of Plataea. The result is well known. Pausanias, elated by his success, took all methods of showing his own unfitness to enjoy good fortune. Being sent with 20 ships, and in the capacity of commander-in-chief of the confederates, to the coast of Asia Minor, he, by his overbearing conduct, disgusted the Greeks under his command, and particularly those Asiatic Greeks who had lately revolted from the Persian rule. To his oppression he added an affectation of Eastern luxury; and what we know of Spartan manners seems to lead to the conclusion, that no mixture could possibly be more repugnant to persons accustomed at once to Persian elegance and Ionic refinement, than a clumsy imitation of both, such as the conduct of Pausanias in all probability presented. Prejudice in favour of the Athenians, who were of the Ionic race, was also active; intrigues commenced, the Athenians encouraged them, and Pausanias was recalled. Much criminality was imputed to him by those Greeks who came to Sparta from the seat of war, and his conduct was clearly more like the exercise of arbitrary power than of regular military command. He was accordingly put on his trial. Private and public charges were brought against him ; from the former he was acquitted, but his Medism (or leaning to Persia) seemed to be clearly proved. Dorcis was sent in his place; but the Spartan supremacy had received its death-blow, and thenceforward Lacedæmon interfered only sparingly in the prosecution of the contest with Persia. Pausanias, however, with the feelings of a disappointed man, went in a private capacity to the Hellespont, on pretence of joining the army. After the taking of Byzantium, which happened during his command, he had winked at the escape of certain Persian fugitives of rank, and, by means of an accomplice, had conveyed a letter to the Persian monarch, containing an offer to subjugate Greece to his dominion, and subjoining the modest request of having his daughter to wife. A favourable answer had elated him to such a degree as to disgust the allies in the manner already stated. On his second journey he was forcibly prevented from entering Byzantium, upon which he retired to a city in Troas. There, too, his conduct was unfavourably reported at home, and a messenger was despatched with orders for his immediate return, under threats of declaring him a public enemy. Pausanias returned, but it was still hard to bring home any definite charge against him, and the Spartans were shy of adducing any but the strongest evidence. At last, however, one of his emissaries, having discovered that
he was, like all his predecessors, the bearer of orders for his own death, as well as of his master's treason, denounced him to the ephori. By their instructions, this person took sanctuary, and, through a partition made by a preconcerted plan in a hut where he had found refuge, they had the opportunity of hearing Pausanias acknowledge his own treason, during a visit which he paid to his refractory messenger. The ephori proceeded to arrest Pausanias; but a hint from one of their number enabled him to make his escape to the temple of Minerva of the “Brazen House,” only, however, to suffer a more lingering death. . He was shut up in the temple, and, when on the brink of starvation, was brought out to die (B.C. 467). His mother is said to have carried the first stone to the temple door for the purpose of immuring him within. (Thucyd., 1, 132, seqq.—Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 330.)—II. A youth of noble family, at the court of Philip, and who filled, according to Diodorus Siculus, a post in the royal guards. He is rendered memorable in history for the murder of Philip of Macedon, father of Alexander the Great. The motive that impelled him to the deed was, that he had suffered an outrage from Attalus, one of the courtiers, for which Philip had refused to give him satisfaction. (Wid. Philippus.) After committing the deed, the murderer rushed towards the gates of the city, where horses were waiting for him. He was closely pursued by some of the great officers of the royal body-guard, but he would have mounted before they had overtaken him if his sandal had not been caught by the stump of a vine, which brought him to the ground. In the first heat of their passion his pursuers despatched him. (Justin, 9, 6–Diod. Sic. 16, 93.)—III. A traveller and geographical writer, whose native country has not been clearly ascertained. He is supposed by some to have been born in Lydia, from a passage in his own work (5, 13, 4.—Compare the remarks of Siebelis, Praf ad Pausan., p. v., sesq.), and to have flourished during the reigns of Hadrian and the Antonines. (Siebelis, Praef. ad Pausan., p. viii.) He travelled in Greece, Macedonia, Asia, Egypt, and even in Africa as far as the temple of Jupiter Ammon. After this he appears to have taken up his residence at Rome, and to have there published his Tracels through Greece ("EZ24&og Treptă) matc.), in ten books. It is an important work for antiquities and archaeology, combining with a description of public edifices and works of art, the historical records and the legends connected with them. Hence the researches into which this mode of handling the subject has led him, and the discussions on which he enters, serve not only to throw light upon the Grecian mythology, but also to clear up many obscure points of ancient history. Pausanias displays judgment and erudition: occasionally, however, he falls into errors. He describes, moreover, many things too much in the style of a traveller who has not had sufficient leisure to examine every object with attention; and he describes things, too, on the supposition that Greece would always remain nearly in the same state in which he himself saw it. In consequence of this, he is satisfied ostentimes with merely indicating objects; and, even when he gives an account of them, he does it in a manner that is very concise, and sometimes actually obscure. (Compare Heyne, Antiq. Aufs., voi. 1, p. 11–Manso, Versuchen, &c., p. 377–Hemst, ad Lucian, vol. 1, p. 4, ed. Amst.—Walck, ad Herodot, 7, 50.—Siebelis, Praef. ad Pausan, p. xix.)— In respect of style, Pausanias cannot be cited as a model. His own, which is a bad imitation of that of Herodotus, offends frequently by an affectation of conciseness.-In the first book of his work Pausanias describes Attica and Megaris; in the second, Corinth, Sicyonia, the territory of Phlius, and Argolis; in the third, Laconia; in the fourth, Messenia; in the fifth and sirth, Elis; in the serenth. Achaia; in the eighth, Arcadia; in the ninth, Boeotia; and in the tenth, Phocis.—The best edition of Pausanias is that of Siebelis, Lips., 1822–28, 5 vols. 8vo. A new edition has recently appeared, by Schubart and Walz, Lips., 1838–40, 3 vols. Svo. (Scholl, Hist. Lit. Gr., vol. 5, p. 307.)—IV. A grammarian, a native of Caesarea ad Argaeum, in Cappadocia. He is often confounded with the preceding. (Philostr., Wit. Sophist, 2, 13. —Suebelis, Praf ad Pausan., p. iv., seqq.) Pausias, a painter of Sicyon, contemporary with Apelles. After he had learned the rudiments of his art from his father Brietes, he studied encaustic in the school of Pamphilus, where he was the fellow-pupil of Apelles and Melanthius. Pausias was the first painter who acquired a great name for encaustic with the cestrum. He excelled particularly in the management of the shadows; his favourite subjects were simall pictures, generally of boys, but he also painted large compositions. He was the first who introduced the custom of painting the ceilings and walls of private apartments with historical and dramatic subjects. The practice, however, of decorating ceilings simply with stars or arabesque figures (particularly those of temples) was of very old date. , Pausias undertook the restoration of the paintings of Polygnotus at Thespiae, which had been greatly injured by the hand of time; but he was judged inferior to his ancient predecessor, for he contended with weapons not his own; he generally worked with the cestrum, whereas the paintings of Polygnotus were with the pencil, which Pausias, consequently, also used in this instance. The most famous work of his was the sacrifice of an ox, which in the time of Pliny was in the hall of Pompey. In this picture the ox was foreshortened; but, to show the animal to full advantage, the painter judiciously threw his shadow upon a part of the surrounding crowd, and he added to the effect by painting a dark ox upon a light ground. Pausias, in his youth, loved a native of his own city named Glycera, who earned her living by making garlands of flowers and wreaths of roses, which led him into competition with her, and he eventually acquired great skill in flower-painting. A portrait of Glycera, with a garland of flowers, was reckoned among his master-pieces; a copy of it was purchased by Lucullus at Athens at the great price of two talents (nearly $2200). Pausias was reproached by his rivals for being a slow painter; but he silenced the censure by completing a picture of a boy, in his own style, in a single day, which on that account was called the *i. ('Huepñatoc), or the work “of a single day.” (Plin., 35, 11, 40–Sillig, Dict. Art., s. v.— Junius, Catal, s. v.–Encycl. Us. Knowl., vol. 17, p. 331.) At a later period, the Sicyonians were obliged to part with the pictures which they possessed of this distinguished artist, to deliver themselves from a heavy debt. They were purchased by M. Scaurus when a dile, and were brought to Rome to adorn the new theatre which he had erected. (Plin., 21, 2.) PAustLYPus, a celebrated mountain and grotto near the city of Naples. It took its name from a villa of Vedius Pollio, erected in the time of Augustus, and called Pausilypum, from the effect which its beauty was supposed to produce in suspending sorrow and anxiety (Tavasov Avrmv, “about to make care cease”). This mountain is said to be beautiful in the extreme, and justly to merit the name bestowed upon it. The grotto is nearly a mile in length, and is made through the mountain 20 feet in breadth, and 30 in height. On the mountain, Vedius Pollio had not only a villa, but also a reservoir or pond, in which he kept a number of lampreys, to which he used to throw such slaves as had committed a fault. When he died, he bequeathed, among other parts of his possessions, his villa to Augustus: but this monarch, abhorring a house where so many ill-fated creatures had lost their lives for very slight faults, caused it to be demolished, and the finest
materials in it to be brought to Rome, and with then raised Julia's portico. Virgil's tomb is said to be above the entrance of the grotto of Pausilypus. Cluverius and Addison, however, deny this to be the tomb of the poet. (Wid. Virgilius, where an account of this sepulchre is given.)
Paxos, a small island southeast of Corcyra, now Paro. It is one of the seven Ionian islands. (Plin., 4, 12.) The distance from Corcyra is about six miles. No fresh spring-water has been discovered on it; the land does not yield much corn or pasture, but is fruitful in oil and wine. It is peopled by six or seven thou sand inhabitants. (Malte-Brun, Geogr., vol. 6, p. 172 —Pouqueville, Voyage de la Grèce, vol. 2, p. 145.)
PEDXsus, I. the mortal one of the three steeds of Achilles, and which that hero obtained when he sacked the city of Eetion. (Il., 16, 153.) He died of a wound received from Sarpedon, in the contest between the latter and Patroclus. (Il., 16, 467, seqq.)—II. A town of the Leleges in Troas, on the river Satnioeis. (Il., 21, 86.) The situation of this Homeric town remains undefined. It appears from Pliny, that some authors identified it with Adramyttium. (Plin., 5, 32.) —III. More commonly Pedasum or Pedasa, a city of the Leleges in Caria, and the capital of a district which included no less than eight cities within its limits. It was situated above Halicarnassus, towards the east, and not far from Stratonicea, and the site corresponds probably to the modern Peitchin. (Strab., 611.) Herodotus also notices Pedasa, on account of a strange phenomenon which was stated to occur there. Whenever the inhabitants were threatened with any calamity, the chin of the priestess of Minerva became furnished with a beard: this prodigy was reported to have happened three times. (Herod., 1, 175—Compare Aristot, Hist. An., 3, 11.)—IV. The Homeric name, according to some, for Methone, in Messenia. (Il., 9, 294.)
Pedo ALBINov ANUs. Wid. Albinovanus II.
Pedum, an ancient town of Latium, often named in the early wars of Rome, and which must be placed in the vicinity of Praeneste. The modern site of Zagarolo seems best to answer to the data which are supplied by Livy respecting its position. For, according to this historian (8, 11), Pedum was situate between Tibur, Praeneste, Bola, and Labicum. (Nibby, Viag. Antiq., vol. 1, p. 261.) It was taken by storm, and destroyed by Camillus. (Liv., 8, 13.) Horace mentions the Regio Pedana in one of his epistles (1, 4.— Cramer's Anc. Italy, vol. 2, p. 74.)
PegAsides, a name given to the Muses from the sountain Hippocrene, which the winged steed Pegasus is said to have produced with a blow of his hoof. (Propert, 3, 1, 19. —Ovid, Heroid., 15, 27. — Columella, 10, 273.)
PEGXsus, a winged steed, the offspring of Neptune and Medusa, and which sprang forth from the neck of the latter aster her head had been severed by Perseus. (Apollod., 2, 4, 2–Tretz. ad Lycophr., 17.) Hesiod says he was called Pegasus (IIñyagog) because born near the sources (Thyat) of Ocean. (Theog., 282.) As soon as he was born he flew upward, and fixed his abode on Mount Helicon, where with a blow of his hoof he produced the sountain Hippocrene. (Orid, Met., 5, 256, seqq.) He used, however, to come and drink occasionally at the sountain of Pirene, on the Acrocorinthus, and it was here that Bellerophon caught him preparatory to his enterprise against the Chimera. After throwing off Bellerophon when the latter wished to fly to the heavens, Pegasus directed his course to the skies, and was made a constellation by Jupiter. (Consult remarks under the article Bellerophon.) Pegasus was the favourite of the Muses, who derived from him, among the poets, the appellation of “Pegasides.” The fountain of Hippocrene is likewise called from him “Pegasides unde” or “Pegasis unda.” (Teetz, ad Lycophr., l. ;4".
Staveren, ad Hygin, l.c.)—“The horse,” observes Knight, “ was sacred to Neptune and the rivers; and employed as a general symbol of the waters, on account of a supposed affinity, which we do not find that modern naturalists have observed. Hence came the composition, so frequent on the Carthaginian coins, of the horse with the asterisk of the sun, or the winged disk and hooded snakes, over his back ; and also the use made of him as an emblematical device on the medals of many Greek cities. In some instances the body of the aniinal terminates in plumes; and in others has only wings, so as to form the Pegasus, sabled by the later Greek poets to have been ridden by Bellerophon, but only known to the ancient theogonists as the bearer of Aurora, and of the thunder and lightning to Jupiter, an allegory of which the meaning is obvious.” (Inquiry into the Symb. Lang, &c., § 111. — Class. Journ., vol. 25, p. 34.)—As regards the constellation Pegasus, it may be remarked, that the Greek astronomers always give it the simple appellation of “the Horse” ("Irror). The name IIñyaaoo first comes in among the later mythological poets. It does not even occur in Aratus; the poet merely remarking that this is supposed to be the same horse whose hoof produced the fountain Hippocrene. (Arat., Phoen., 219.) Eratosthenes, however, says (c. 18) that this is the steed, as some think, which, aster Bellerophon had been thrown from it, flew upward to the stars. The opinion, however, is, according to him, an erroneous one, since the steed in the heavens has no wings. It would appear, therefore, from this remark of Eratosthenes, that the custom of representing Pegasus with wings came in at a later period. They are added in Ptolemy. The Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, call the constellation simply Equus, for which the poets substitute Sonipes, Sonipes ales, Cornipes, and other similar expressions. The name Pegasus appears to occur only in Germanicus (v. 221, 282). Ovid has Equus Gorgoneus, in allusion to the fabled birth of the steed. (Fast, 3, 450.-Ideler, Sternnamen, p. 115.) PelagoNía, I. a district of Macedonia bordering on Illyria. The Pelagones, though not mentioned by Homer as a distinct people, were probably known to him, from his naming Pelagon, the father of Asteropaeus, a Paeonian warrior. (Compare Strabo, 331.) They must at one time have been widely spread over the north of Greece, since a district of Upper Thessaly bore the name of Pelagonia Tripolitis, and it is ingeniously conjectured by Gatterer, in his learned commentary on ancient Thrace (Com. Soc. Gott., vol. 6, p. 67), that these were a remnant of the remote expedition of the Teucri and Mysi, the progenitors of the Peonians, who came from Asia Minor, and conquered the whole of the country between the Strymon and Peneus. (Herod., 7, 20. — Strab., 327.) Frequent allusion is made to Pelagonia by Livy, in his account of the wars between the Romans and the kings of Macedon. It was exposed to invasion from the Dardani, who bordered on its northern frontiers; for which reason, the communication between the two countries was carefully guarded by the Macedonian monarchs. (Liv., 31, 28.) This pass led over the chain of Mount Scardus. An account of it is given in Brown's Travels, p. 45. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 269.)—II. Civitas, a city of Pelagonia, the capital of the fourth division of Roman Macedonia. (Lip., 45, 29.) Little is known of it. Its existence at a late period appears from the Synecdemus of Hierocles, and the Byzantine historian Malchus, who speaks of the strength of its citadel. (Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 270.)—III. Tripolitis or Tripolis, a district of Thessaly, around the upper part of the course of the river Titaresius. It was called Tripolitis from the circumstance of its containing three principal towns; which, as Livy informs us (42, 53), o Azorus, Doliche, and Pythium. This 99
district was connected with Macedonia by a narrow defile over the Cambunian mountains. Livy describes this same canton in one part of his history under the name of Ager Tripolitanus (36, 10. – Cramer's Anc. Greece, vol. 1, p. 365). Pelasgl (IIežadyot), were the most ancient inhabitants of Greece, as far as the knowledge of the Greeks themselves extended. A dynasty of Pelasgic chiefs existed in Greece besore any other dynasty is mentioned in Greek traditions. Danaus is in the ninth, Deucalion in the eighth, and Cadmus in the seventh generation before the Trojan war; but Phoroneus, the Pelasgian, is in the eighteenth generation before that epoch. The Greek traditions represent the Pelasgic race as spread most widely over almost all parts of Greece and the islands of the AEgean. The whole of Hellas, according to Herodotus (2,56), was originally called Pelasgia; and AEschylus (Suppl., 250) introduces Pelasgus, king of Argos, as claiming for the people named after him all the country through which the Algus flows, and to the west of the Strymon. We find mention of the Pelasgi in the Peloponnesus, Thrace, Thesprotia, Attica, Boeotia, and Phocis. (Strab., 321.—Herod., 8, 44.) The oracles of Dodona and Delphi were originally Pelasgic (Strab., 402– Herod., 2, 52), and Clinton (Fast. Hell., vol. 1, p. 22) and Niebuhr (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 27) have adduced reasons for believing that the Macedonians were also a Pelasgic race. We likewise find traces of the Pelasgi in many of the islands of the Egean Sea, as Lemnos, Imbros, Lesbos, Chios, &c. (Strab., 621), and Herodotus informs us (7,95), that the islands were inhabited by the Pelasgic race till they were subdued by the Ionians. The neighbouring coast of Asia Minor was also inhabited in many parts by the Pelasgi. (Strab., 621.) The country afterward called Æolis was occupied by Pelasgians (Herod, 7,95), and hence Antandros was called Pelasgic in the time of Herodotus (7, 42). Tralles in Caria was a Pelasgic town (Niebuhr, Rom. Hist., vol. 1, p. 33), and two of their towns on the Hellespont were still extant in the time of Herodotus (1, 57). The preceding authorities are sufficient to show the wide diffusion of the Pelasgic race; but it is a difficult matter to determine from what quarter they originally came. Many modern writers conclude, from our knowledge of the original seats of the human race, that the Pelasgians spread themselves from Asia into Europe, across the Hellespont, and around the northern shores of the AEgean Sea. (Malden, Hist. of Rome, p. 69.-Marsh, Horae Pelasgica, c. 1.) This, no doubt, is the true opinion, though it is opposed to many Greek traditions, which represent the Peloponnesus as the original seat of the Pelasgians, whence they spread to Thessaly, and thence to the islands of the AEgean and the Asiatic coast.— The Pelasgi were also widely spread over the south of Italy; and the places in which they appear to have been settled are indicated by Malden (Rom. Hist., p. 2, seqq.) and Niebuhr (Rom. Hist, vol. 1, p. 25, seqq.). There seems no reason for rejecting, as some modern writers have done, the account of Dionysius, that the Pelasgi emigrated from Greece to Italy. —In some parts of Greece, the Pelasgians remained in possession of the country to the latest times. The Arcadians were always considered by the Greeks themselves as pure Pelasgians, and a Pelasgian dynasty reigned in Arcadia until the second Messenian war. (Herod., 1, 146.-Id, 2, 171-1d., 8, 73.) According to Herodotus (8, 44; 1, 57), the Athenians were a Pelasgic race, which had settled in Attica from the earliest times, and had undergone no change except by receiving a new name and adopting a new language. In most parts of Greece, however, the Pelasgic race became intermingled with the Hellenic ; but the Pelasgi probably at all times formed the principal part of the population of Greece. The Hellenes excelled the Pe